Les douze circonscriptions électorales « privilégiées » du Québec

Article 80 of the British North America Act expressly disallows any modification of the boundaries of twelve of the electoral districts of the province of Québec (all located in the Eastern Townships and along the north shore of the Ottawa River) without the majority consent of the deputies representing these districts. In 1867 the districts were predominantly English-speaking but most now contain a French-speaking majority. The author traces the history of application of Article 80 from 1867 to the present, and by citing numerous boundary changes that have occurred shows that the Article has been more honoured in the breach than the observance. The author concludes that the Article is obsolete and antidemocratic. He then outlines some of the procedural difficulties involved in a possible repeal of the Article.

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The Western Maritime Province: Five Recent Histories of the British Columbia CoastGerald Rushton, Echoes of the Whistle: An Illustrated History of the Union Steamship Company. Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1980. Pp. 143, illus., $24.95.J. Arthur Lower, Ocean of Destiny: A Concise History of the North Pacific, 1500-1978. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1979. Pp. xiv, 242, illus., $16.50.Barry M. Gough, Distant Dominion: Britain and the Northwest Coast of North America, 1579-1809. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980. Pp. xii, 190, illus., $19.95.Derek Pethick, The Nootka Connection: Europe and the Northwest Coast, 1790-1795. Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1980. Pp. 281, illus., $18.95.Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnston, eds., Captain James Cook and His Times. Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1979. Pp. 278, illus., $16.95.

Journal of Canadian Studies ◽

10.3138/jcs.16.3-4.205 ◽

1981 ◽

Vol 16 (3-4) ◽

pp. 205-211

Author(s):

Patricia Roy

Keyword(s):

British Columbia ◽

North America ◽

North Pacific ◽

Northwest Coast ◽

James Cook ◽

University Of British Columbia ◽

The North ◽

History Of ◽

Maritime Province ◽

The North Pacific

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Les relations canado-américaines : Nationalisme et continentalisme

Études internationales ◽

10.7202/701465ar ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 14 (1) ◽

pp. 23-37 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Louis Balthazar

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

North America ◽

Manifest Destiny ◽

The United States ◽

Cultural Integration ◽

British North America ◽

History Of ◽

Canadian Nationalism ◽

Set Up ◽

National Perspective

This paper's objective is to bring forth some elements which confirm the following hypothesis : Canada is consigned to continentalism, namely to economic and cultural integration with the United States though this fact is shrouded in a Canadian nationalism of sorts. The continentalist mentality is rooted in the history of British North America, inhabited mostly by refugees from America who have remained inherently "Yankees" in spite of their anti-americanism. The Confederation itself is based on a sort of complicity with the United States. More recently there were talks of a "North American nationality", and continentalism both cultural and economic has come to be seen as a 'force of nature" which the governments, at the most, put into a chanelling process. Still, it is possible for Canadian nationalism to exist provided it does not go beyond the threshold whence it would run headlong into the continental mentality. Canada has defined itself through an international or non-national perspective far too long for today's nationalism not to remain weak and poorly established. But the Americans whose "manifest destiny" has succeeded in spreading over Canada without even their having tried to hoist their flag there find it to their advantage to maintain some form of Canadian sovereignty. Canada as a "friendly nation" can be of use to Washington. That is why there are almost as many advocates for Canada's independence in the United States as there are north of the border. Canadian nationalism can thus further the interests of some Canadian elites without seriously prejudicing continental integration which can very well afford not to be set up into formalized structures.

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Acentropus niveus (Oliv.) (Lepidoptera: Pyralidae) on the north shore of Lake Erie with a consideration of its distribution in North America

The Canadian Entomologist ◽

10.4039/ent82250-12 ◽

1950 ◽

Vol 82 (12) ◽

pp. 250-252 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

W. W. Judd

Keyword(s):

North America ◽

Green Alga ◽

Lake Erie ◽

Filamentous Green Alga ◽

North Shore ◽

The North ◽

Lepidoptera Pyralidae ◽

Shallow Bay ◽

The Village ◽

The Waves

On July 12, 1950 a collection of adults of the moth Acentropus niveus (Oliv.) was made on the north shore of Lake Erie near the village of South Cayuga, Ontario (Maps A, B-3). At the southern limits of the townships of Dunn and South Cayuga (Haldimand County) a shallow bay extends for a distance of about two miles along the shore of the lake (Map A). Along this bay is a sandy or gravelly beach ten to twenty yards wide backed by a cliff of clay that rises abruptly above the beach. On the day the collections were made the sky was clear and a brisk southerly breeze was causing waves to wash on the beach. The action of the waves had deposited debris, consisting largely of tangled masses of a filamentous green alga and exuviae of the mayfly Hexagenia occulta, in a windrow six inches to two feet wide along the shore. The moths ere found in this debris, most of them lying dead and with bedraggled wings, while some lay on their backs with wings stuck to the damp surface and with legs kicking and a few were crawling about on the debris.

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Brian J. YOUNG, Promoters and Politicians. The North-Shore Railways in the History of Quebec, 1854-1885

Recherches sociographiques ◽

10.7202/055827ar ◽

1979 ◽

Vol 20 (1) ◽

pp. 128

Author(s):

Albert Faucher

Keyword(s):

North Shore ◽

The North ◽

History Of

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Water in the Wilderness: The Group of Seven and the Coastal Identity of Lake Superior

Journal of Canadian Studies ◽

10.3138/jcs-2020-0049 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. e20200049

Author(s):

Isabelle Gapp

Keyword(s):

Environmental History ◽

Lake Superior ◽

Indigenous Communities ◽

Coastal Lake ◽

Group Of Seven ◽

North Shore ◽

The North ◽

The People ◽

Coastal Landscapes ◽

History Of

This paper challenges the wilderness ideology with which the Group of Seven’s coastal landscapes of the north shore of Lake Superior are often associated. Focusing my analysis around key works by Lawren Harris, A.Y. Jackson, J.E.H. MacDonald, and Franklin Carmichael, I offer an alternative perspective on commonly-adopted national and wilderness narratives, and instead consider these works in line with an emergent ecocritical consciousness. While a conversation about wilderness in relation to the Group of Seven often ignores the colonial history and Indigenous communities that previously inhabited coastal Lake Superior, this paper identifies these within a discussion of the environmental history of the region. That the environment of the north shore of Lake Superior was a primordial space waiting to be discovered and conquered only seeks to ratify the landscape as a colonial space. Instead, by engaging with the ecological complexities and environmental aesthetics of Lake Superior and its surrounding shoreline, I challenge this colonial and ideological construct of the wilderness, accounting for the prevailing fur trade, fishing, and lumber industries that dominated during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A discussion of environmental history and landscape painting further allows for a consideration of both the exploitation and preservation of nature over the course of the twentieth century, and looks beyond the theosophical and mystical in relation to the Group’s Lake Superior works. As such, the timeliness of an ecocritical perspective on the Group of Seven’s landscapes represents an opportunity to consider how we might recontextualize these paintings in a time of unprecedented anthropogenic climate change, while recognizing the people and history to whom this land traditionally belongs.

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Antebellum America

Americans and Their Weather ◽

10.1093/oso/9780195131826.003.0008 ◽

2000 ◽

Author(s):

William B. Meyer

Keyword(s):

New England ◽

Western World ◽

Deep South ◽

Antebellum America ◽

British North America ◽

Southern States ◽

The North ◽

Basic Law ◽

Political Boundaries ◽

History Of

In 1810, more than four in five Americans lived in one of the original thirteen seaboard states. Half a century later, though those states had grown considerably, they held less than half of the nation's population. The reason lay in the post-1815 rush of settlers beyond the Appalachians into the continental interior, "one of the great immigrations in the history of the western world." Chaotic though this movement was in many ways, it showed at least one orderly pattern. Individually these settlers followed many paths, but the typical ones moved due west, erring to the north or south only when their path was blocked by mountains or water or political boundaries or when they were pulled aside by the easier travel routes along navigable rivers. Most of the inhabitants of every inland state in i860 came from the states to the east within its own latitudes. It was mostly New Englanders and upstate New Yorkers—themselves mostly of New England origin—who occupied the territories and states bordering on British North America. They left the central and southern parts of Ohio and Indiana and Illinois mainly to settlers from the middle states and the Chesapeake. The frontier of the Deep South was colonized from the far southern coastal states much more than from Virginia or North Carolina, states that furnished Kentucky and Tennessee and Missouri with the bulk of their inhabitants. "Ohio Fever" swept the rural Northeast after 1815, followed by "Michigan Fever" in the 1830s, but it was "Alabama Fever" and "Texas Fever" that gripped the southern states. Modern research has documented what many Americans at the time spotted for themselves, what some who could agree on little else agreed was a constant truth of human behavior growing out of a basic law of climate-society relations. "The great law that governs emigration," announced a Massachusetts congressman during an argument against the spread of slavery, "is this: that emigration follows the parallels of latitude." It was "a great law of emigration," "fixed and certain," echoed a Louisiana editor in a defense of the South and its institutions, "that people follow the parallels of latitude." People were presumed to do so in order to avoid the change of climate that traveling north or south would have entailed.

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Do Barrow's Goldeneyes, Bucephala islandica, Breed South of the St. Lawrence Estuary in the Gaspé Peninsula, Eastern Canada?

The Canadian Field-Naturalist ◽

10.22621/cfn.v124i2.1057 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 124 (2) ◽

pp. 179

Author(s):

Jean-François Ouellet ◽

Pierre Fradette ◽

Isabel Blouin

Keyword(s):

North America ◽

Breeding Season ◽

Breeding Habitat ◽

Eastern North America ◽

Eastern Canada ◽

Lawrence Estuary ◽

North Shore ◽

The North ◽

Bucephala Islandica ◽

St Lawrence Estuary

We report the first observations of Barrow's Goldeneyes south of the St. Lawrence estuary in typical breeding habitat during the breeding season. Until recently, the confirmed breeding locations for the species in Eastern North America were all located on the north shore of the Estuary and Gulf of St. Lawrence.

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The Colonization of British North America as an Episode in the History of Christianity

Church History ◽

10.1017/s0009640700100356 ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 72 (3) ◽

pp. 553-568 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Charles L. Cohen

Keyword(s):

North America ◽

New England ◽

Covenant Theology ◽

History Of Christianity ◽

Faculty Psychology ◽

British North America ◽

History Of ◽

Stuart England ◽

In The Beginning ◽

Historical Issues

The proposition that, to paraphrase Carl Degler, Christianity came to British North America in the first ships, has long enjoyed popular and scholarly currency. The popular account, sometimes found today in evangelical Christian circles, holds that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries colonists erected a mighty kingdom of God whose gates the humanist barbarians have unfortunately breached. The scholarly variation derives from Perry Miller's eloquent melodrama about Puritanism's rise and fall. Miller anatomized Puritanism as a carapace of Ramist logic, covenant theology, and faculty psychology surrounding the visceral vitality of Augustinian piety, an intellectual body that grew in health and cogency in Tudor-Stuart England and then suppurated on the American strand, corrupted by internal contradictions, creeping secularism, and periwigs. Miller understood that he was describing one single Christian tradition—Reformed Protestantism of a particularly perfervid variety—but such was his narrative's majesty that his tale of New England Puritanism ramified into the story of Christianity in the colonies; in the beginning, all the world was New England, and, at the end, the extent to which the colonists had created a common Christian identity owed mightily to Puritan conceptions of the national covenant. Miller was too good a scholar to miss the pettiness of Puritan religious politics and the myriad ways in which even the founding generation of Saints failed to live up to their own best values, but his chronicle of Puritan decline parallels the popular vision that the colonial period represented the “Golden Age” of Christianity in America: the faith began on a fortissimo chord but has decrescendoed ever since. The logic of this declension scheme spotlights some historical issues while ignoring others. The central problem for declension theory is to explain how and why Christianity's vigor ebbed, whereas the creation of a Christian culture in the colonies—the erection of churches, the elaboration of governing apparatuses, the routinization of personal devotion and moral order—is made unproblematic: it just spilled out of the Mayflower and the Arbella onto Plymouth Rock and Shawmut.

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Religion

Atlantic History ◽

10.1093/obo/9780199730414-0047 ◽

2010 ◽

Author(s):

Carla Gardina Pestana

Keyword(s):

North America ◽

Early Modern ◽

Atlantic World ◽

Central Africa ◽

Central Area ◽

Protestant Reformation ◽

The North ◽

History Of ◽

The Caribbean ◽

South Portugal

Religion shaped the early modern Atlantic world in many ways. Although Iberian expansion began before the Protestant Reformation, Europe soon divided between Protestant and Catholic, and this division created a context for European understandings of the purpose of expansion. With permission from the pope to evangelize outside the Old World, the Spanish and the Portuguese split the extra-European world between them; Spain was responsible for most of the Americas (excluding only the area that would become Brazil), while Portugal took Brazil and Africa (as well as Asia). Soon representatives of each kingdom were at work, conquering, colonizing, and evangelizing. Protestantism, although it arrived late in the contest for colonies and trade in this New World, was central to Spanish understanding of its work; evangelizing the native peoples of the Americas would add additional souls to the church, making up for those who had been lost to the Protestant Reformation. When Protestants finally became involved in colonizing the Americas and trading with Africa, they similarly understood their role as combating the reach and influence of their Catholic rivals. If in 1600 the European presence outside of Europe was overwhelmingly Catholic, by 1700 a map of the spread of Christianity showed varied results. Spain controlled the central area of the Americas, including much of South America and the Caribbean, all of Central America, and all the southern area of North America (from Florida and New Mexico south). Portugal had Brazil, while Catholic France held Quebec to the north and selected islands in the Caribbean. The Protestant presence was predominantly British, and included eastern North America between Quebec and Florida as well as some islands in the Caribbean. The Protestant Dutch also held island colonies and a South American outpost. West Africa and West Central Africa hosted trading forts controlled by most of these European powers, from which were shipped slaves as well as trade goods. The religious rivalries of early modern Europe had been effectively exported. Every faith represented along the shores of the Atlantic prior to contact would participate in the intermixing that occurred afterward. The history of religion in the Atlantic world therefore explores the variety of traditions within that world and the effects of the circulation, transplantation, and encounter of these various faiths.

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