scholarly journals Recenzja: Katarzyna Wrzesińska, "Kultura i cywilizacja w myśli Narodowej Demokracji (1893–1918). Między ideą wychowania a polityką", Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, ss. 377.

2016 ◽  
pp. 305-311
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Krzywiec

Review of a book by Katarzyna Wrzesińska, Culture and civilization in the thought of National Democratic Party (1893–1918). Between the educational idea and politics, Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, pp. 377.The book by Katarzyna Wrzesińska, a historian of ideas and Polish political thought of the 19th and 20th centuries, a researcher of the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, has an ambitious aim to deal with cultural politics of National Democracy, the largest political movement in the history of Polish lands, at the fin-de-siècle. The further themes are, among others, definitions of nation and folk in the nationalist framework, the role and place of educational ideas in a wider scope of the nationalist project, an influence of nationalist ideas on the Polish intelligentsia.Interestingly, Wrzesińska does not correspond with current social sciences debates about definitions and understandings of nationalisms in literature, but tries to step outside them altogether. Undoubtedly, such a new framework would have helped us move forward in studies on Polish nationalism. Paradoxically though, while the book analyzing a wide array of published primary documents, it offers, in the end, a well-known and conventional story on ‘young idealist’ debouched whether by mass-politics or by masses as such. The rhetoric of nationalism is quite evident but not equally obvious from Wrzesińska’s presentation are the ways in which people appropriated that vocabulary and those ideas for their own ends. The author gives then another casual tale on an innocent but cultural nation and, first and foremost, its elites beset by brutal and uncivilized enemies. Epistemological naiveté, surplus of not analyzed details and quotations, and, last but not least, rather surprisingly narrow catalogue of questions does not address how and why the Polish integral nationalists differed from other national strains of this time.All in all, unfortunately, the book does not help to capture the complexity of National Democracy in the Polish history of the period under discussion. Not only it does not substantially extend our knowledge on the subject, but as well obscures and blocks serious questions about this political movement and its toxic legacy.Recenzja: Katarzyna Wrzesińska, Kultura i cywilizacja w myśli Narodowej Demokracji (1893–1918). Między ideą wychowania a polityką, Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, ss. 377.Książka Katarzyny Wrzesińskiej, historyczki idei oraz polskiej myśli politycznej w XIX i XX wieku, związanej z Instytutem Slawistyki PAN, stawia sobie ambitny cel: omówienie polityki kulturowej Narodowej Demokracji, największego ruchu politycznego na ziemiach polskich przełomu XIX i XX stulecia. Książka porusza kwestię definicji „narodu” i „ludu” w nacjonalistycznej ramie pojęciowej, roli pomysłów edukacyjnych w szerszym spektrum projektu nacjonalistycznego oraz wpływu nacjonalistycznych idei na polską inteligencję.K. Wrzesińska nie odnosi się do obecnie toczącej się w naukach społecznych debaty dotyczącej definicji i rozumienia nacjonalizmu w literaturze, decyduje się zupełnie pominąć tę dyskusję. Bez wątpienia nowa rama teoretyczna pozwoliłaby rozwinąć studia nad polskim nacjonalizmem. Paradoksalnie jednak, chociaż autorka analizuje szeroki zestaw publikowanych już, podstawowych dokumentów, na koniec oferuje dobrze znaną i konwencjonalną opowieść o „młodych idealistach”, z czasem uformowanych przez masową politykę lub przez masy jako takie. Retoryka nacjonalizmu jest sama w sobie wystarczająco zrozumiała, jednak w obrazie stworzonym przez Wrzesińską nie jest oczywiste, w jaki sposób nacjonalistyczne słownictwo i idee zostały powszechnie przejęte i wykorzystane. Autorka tworzy za to kolejną wymijającą opowieść o niewinnej i kulturalnej nacji oraz – przede wszystkim – o jej elicie, napastowanej przez brutalnych i niecywilizowanych przeciwników. Epistemologiczna naiwność, nadmiar niezanalizowanych cytatów oraz wąski zestaw pytań badawczych nie pozwalają w pełni przedstawić przyczyn i sposobu, w jaki polski integralny nacjonalizm różnił się od innych nacjonalistycznych nurtów epoki.Niestety książka nie pomaga zrozumieć złożoności sytuacji Narodowej Demokracji w polskiej historii omawianego okresu. Nie tylko w niewystarczający sposób poszerza naszą wiedzę, lecz również blokuje poważne pytania na temat tego ruchu i jego toksycznej spuścizny.

2020 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Adrian Blau

AbstractThis paper proposes a new framework for categorizing approaches to the history of political thought. Previous categorizations exclude much research; political theory, if included, is often caricatured. And previous categorizations are one-dimensional, presenting different approaches as alternatives. My framework is two-dimensional, distinguishing six kinds of end (two empirical, four theoretical) and six kinds of means. Importantly, these choices are not alternatives: studies may have more than one end and typically use several means. Studies with different ends often use some of the same means. And all studies straddle the supposed empirical/theoretical “divide.” Quentin Skinner himself expertly combines empirical and theoretical analysis—yet the latter is often overlooked, not least because of Skinner's own methodological pronouncements. This highlights a curious disjuncture in methodological writings, between what they say we do, and what we should do. What we should do is much broader than existing categorizations imply.


2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 793-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduard Bonet

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine how the boundaries of rhetoric have excluded important theoretical and practical subjects and how these subjects are recuperated and extended since the twentieth century. Its purpose is to foster the awareness on emerging new trends of rhetoric. Design/methodology/approach – The methodology is based on an interpretation of the history of rhetoric and on the construction of a conceptual framework of the rhetoric of judgment, which is introduced in this paper. Findings – On the subject of the extension of rhetoric from public speeches to any kinds of persuasive situations, the paper emphasizes some stimulating relationships between the theory of communication and rhetoric. On the exclusion and recuperation of the subject of rhetorical arguments, it presents the changing relationships between rhetoric and dialectics and emphasizes the role of rhetoric in scientific research. On the introduction of rhetoric of judgment and meanings it creates a conceptual framework based on a re-examination of the concept of judgment and the phenomenological foundations of the interpretative methods of social sciences by Alfred Schutz, relating them to symbolic interactionism and theories of the self. Originality/value – The study on the changing boundaries of rhetoric and the introduction of the rhetoric of judgment offers a new view on the present theoretical and practical development of rhetoric, which opens new subjects of research and new fields of applications.


1832 ◽  
Vol 122 ◽  
pp. 539-574 ◽  

I have for some time entertained an opinion, in common with some others who have turned their attention tot he subject, that a good series of observations with a Water-Barometer, accurately constructed, might throw some light upon several important points of physical science: amongst others, upon the tides of the atmosphere; the horary oscillations of the counterpoising column; the ascending and descending rate of its greater oscillations; and the tension of vapour at different atmospheric temperatures. I have sought in vain in various scientific works, and in the Transactions of Philosophical Societies, for the record of any such observations, or for a description of an instrument calculated to afford the required information with anything approaching to precision. In the first volume of the History of the French Academy of Sciences, a cursory reference is made, in the following words, to some experiments of M. Mariotte upon the subject, of which no particulars appear to have been preserved. “Le même M. Mariotte fit aussi à l’observatoire des experiences sur le baromètre ordinaire à mercure comparé au baromètre à eau. Dans l’un le mercure s’eléva à 28 polices, et dans Fautre l’eau fut a 31 pieds Cequi donne le rapport du mercure à l’eau de 13½ à 1.” Histoire de I'Acadérmie, tom. i. p. 234. It also appears that Otto Guricke constructed a philosophical toy for the amusement of himself and friends, upon the principle of the water-barometer; but the column of water probably in this, as in all the other instances which I have met with, was raised by the imperfect rarefaction of the air in the tube above it, or by filling with water a metallic tube, of sufficient length, cemented to a glass one at its upper extremity, and fitted with a stop-cock at each end; so that when full the upper one might be closed and the lower opened, when the water would fall till it afforded an equipoise to the pressure of the atmo­sphere. The imperfections of such an instrument, it is quite clear, would render it totally unfit for the delicate investigations required in the present state of science; as, to render the observations of any value, it is absolutely necessary that the water should be thoroughly purged of air, by boiling, and its insinuation or reabsorption effectually guarded against. I was convinced that the only chance of securing these two necessary ends, was to form the whole length of tube of one piece of glass, and to boil the water in it, as is done with mercury in the common barometer. The practical difficulties which opposed themselves to such a construction long appeared to me insurmount­able; but I at length contrived a plan for the purpose, which, having been honoured with the approval of the late Meteorological Committee of this Society, was ordered to be carried into execution by the President and Council.


1984 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-39
Author(s):  
Roger D. Spegele

The history of recent efforts to establish a science of international politics may be usefully viewed as elaborate glosses on David Hume's powerful philosophical programme for resolving, reconciling or dissolving a variety of perspicuous dualities: the external and the internal, mind and body, reason and experience. Philosophers and historians of ideas still dispute the extent to which Hume succeeded but if one is to judge by the two leading ‘scientific’ research programmes1 for international politics—inductivism and naive falsificationism —these dualities are as unresolved as ever, with fatal consequences for the thesis of the unity of the sciences. For the failure to reconcile or otherwise dissolve such divisions shows that, on the Humean view, there is at least one difference between the physical (or natural) sciences. and the moral (or social) sciences: namely, that while the latter bear on the internal and external, the former are concerned primarily with the external. How much this difference matters and how the issue is avoided by the proponents of inductivism and naïve falsification is the subject matter of this paper.


Author(s):  
Marta Zuzanna Osuchowska

In the history of relations between the Argentinean government and the Holy See, two ideas are permanently intertwined: signing the Concordat and defending national patronage. The changes that occurred in the 1960s indicated that exercising the right of patronage, based on the principles outlined in the Constitution, was impossible, and the peaceful establishment of the principles of bilateral relations could only be indicated through an international agreement. The Concordat signed by Argentina in 1966 removed the national patronage, but the changes to the content of the Constitution were introduced only in 1994. The aim of the study is to show the concordat agreement concluded in 1966 by Argentina with the Holy See as an example of an international agreement. The main focus is the presentation of concordat standards for the institution of patronage. Due to the subject and purpose of the study, the work uses methods typical of social sciences in the legal science discipline. The dogmatic-legal method is the basis for consideration of the Concordat as a source of Argentine law, and as an auxiliary method, the historical-legal method was used to show the historical background of the presented issue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-1) ◽  
pp. 11-34
Author(s):  
Svetlana Neretina ◽  

The purpose of this paper is to show how the thought and speech of people holding and defending directly opposite positions affect the change in the thought and speech of people of their own and subsequent generations, with different life orientations, and to find ways of this influence. The author describes the situation that arose at the end of the sixties of the twentieth century, known as the ideological dispersal of philosophical, historical and sociological trends that ran counter to the policy of the CPSU, which became especially fierce in the fight against opponents after the USSR’s invasion of Czechoslovakia in August, 1968. One of the results of such an ideological battle was the defeat of the sector of the methodology of history of the Institute of General History of the USSR Academy of Sciences, headed by M. Ya. Gefter, who published a series of books in which the so-called laws of historical development (formational approach) were questioned and the fundamental provisions of the classics of Marxism-Leninism were criticized. The subject of analysis is Gefter’s article “A Page from the History of Marxism in the Early 20th Century”, published in the book “Historical Science and Some Problems of the Modernity”, dedicated to the analysis of Lenin’s tactics and strategy development which changed the views of many, especially young, historians on the historical process, and most importantly - on the methods of seeking and expressing the truth. The differences were expressed primarily in the fact that the proponents and defenders of the Soviet regime, which was based on their own established norms of Marxism-Leninism, fearlessly used all means of pressure on unwanted opponents. Professionals, however, who tried to understand the true sense of the historical process, the sense of judgments about it, especially the sense of the revolutionary struggle against the autocracy, unfolding at the beginning of the twentieth century, were forced to use the Aesopian language, which also provoked a distortion of this sense in many ways: due to the nebulous and veiled expressions, which give the impression of theoretical blackmail, causing such consequences as speech irresponsibility.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-101
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Reshetnikov ◽  
Nadezhda V. Prisyazhnaya

The article is the quintessence of a detailed conversation, that is, an interview by the author with an academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Medical Sciences, Doctor of Sociological Sciences, the founder of modern sociology of medicine in Russia, and the Director of the Institute of Social Sciences of Sechenov University Andrey V. Reshetnikov. The interview was officially conducted on the occasion of the academician A.V. Reshetnikovs birthday. However, other reasons for conducting this interview were as follows: the increased interest of the professional community in the history of the formation of the sociology of medicine a young but already established branch of big sociology the need for researchers to discuss the theory as a tool for learning the fundamental principles of the development of modern society; and the need to determine strategic guidelines and coordinate the vectors of scientific research in line with the discipline. At the same time, the tireless, painstaking work of Andrey Veniaminovich on the development of the scientific school of the sociology of medicine, the formation of a team of like-minded people, and the strengthening of Russian and international relations between medical sociologists are inspiring examples of the realization of a professional vocation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 595-614
Author(s):  
K. R. P. CLARK

ABSTRACTThe nature of Whig ideology at its formation in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries continues to attract the attention of historians of political thought. This article contends that prevalent understandings of the taxonomy of the subject nevertheless still often remain secular, and do not fully attend to the religious constituencies of the authors involved. One key author was Daniel Defoe, who was credited with several anonymous pamphlets published after the Revolution of 1688. The effect of these attributions is to reinforce a homogenized picture of early Whig political ideology that fails to identify differences between authors who used similar terms such as ‘contract’, ‘resistance’, and ‘natural law’. This article de-attributes certain of these pamphlets, outlines the consequences for the history of political thought of that de-attribution, re-establishes Defoe's own political identity, and proposes that such a taxonomy should give more attention to religious difference.


Author(s):  
Alexander Chebunin ◽  
Tat'yana Mazur

The third issue of the theological almanac “Buddhist Studies” was published in December 2020 under the Institute of Mongolian, Buddhist, and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The issue retains the traditional structure of the annual book, which covers the problems of philosophy and soteriology, history of Buddhism, its historiography, translations of Buddhist texts, and other aspects of Buddhist teaching, as well as noteworthy events in life of the Institute and Buddhology overall. The peer review covers the central scientific problems, which manifest as the subject of research in the almanac and their importance for modern Buddhology. Brief analysis is conducted on the content of the journal and the fundamental theoretical problems brought up therein. It is indicated that Buddhism, as the world religion and philosophy, is oriented towards the formation of spiritual personality, traditional moral-ethical values, such as compassion, mercy, tolerance, peacefulness, etc. Such personality model deeply contrasts with the selfish consumer personality that is oriented towards wealth and sensual pleasure formed by the modern liberal-capitalist system. As a result of escalating moral-ethical crisis that takes place in modern society, and search for the ways to overcome it, attention of the researchers is drawn to the traditional spiritual teachings; therefore, Buddhology plays an important role in promoting the traditional spiritual values and countering the modern all-round crisis of the liberal model.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-72
Author(s):  
Anna Citkowska-Kimla

The aim of the article is to develop a research tool for a historian of ideas in the form of an autobiography. It is about framing when a personal document meets the criteria of being a tool for a historian of political thought. The conclusions included the thought that the memories must be meta-considerations on the subject of written autobiography or an analysis of the problem of auto-biography within the framework of the created philosophy or history vision. Examples representing this narrative type were left by, among others, Johann Gottfried Herder, Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Thomas Carlyle, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Friedrich Nietzsche, Benedetto Croce, Robin G. Collingwood, and in Poland Stanisław Brzozowski. The volume of Richard Pipes’ memoirs, Memoirs of a Non-belonger, which is the foundation for the analysis, has also become part of the trend. The most important thinkers who have studied the issue of autobiography in depth include Wilhelm Dilthey and Georg Misch. The conclusions of the analysis are as follows: autobiography has a philosophical and epistemological meaning in the field of knowledge about human nature. In this sense, autobiography becomes part of anthropology, while anthropology is the foundation for the history of ideas, including political thought.


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