Was Johnson the ‘father’ of the US–Israeli alliance?: the Memorandum of Understanding (1964–65)

Author(s):  
Joseph Heller

This chapter shows how Israel persuaded the US to initiate the ‘memorandum of understanding’ which changed Israel’s deterrent capabilities. First, Israel insisted that the balance of power had changed dramatically in terms of heavy armaments and the construction of Arab forces, due to greater Soviet support. Khrushchev’s visit to Egypt aggravated anxiety of in Israel regarding a Soviet-Arab plot to destroy Israel in a surprise attack. The visit was not merely symbolic, but rather proofof Soviet solidarity with Arab intentions, including public support for the Palestinian cause. The US promised that the Sixth Fleet was ready to react to any Arab attack, but Israel had little faith in such promises, in view of the Arab summits which bid for military escalation. The Soviet made it clear that without the removal of the western bases in Turkey and the western courting of Iran, no settlement in the Middle East was possible.

Author(s):  
Joseph Heller

The strategic importance of the Middle East dictated Israel’s fate in the cold war. While the USSR supported the inimical Arab attitude towards Israel, the US limited its support to Israel to economic military aid. The USSR not only regarded the Arabs as a cold war asset, it accused Israel of being part and parcel of western alliances. The turning point in Soviet-Israeli relations was the Czech-Egyptian arms deal (1955) which changed the balance of power. The Suez war exemplified the explosive situation in the region, and Israel’s shaky position vis-a-vis the the Soviet Union. The combination of strategic weakness and constant Arab hatred put Israel continually on the brink of war. The eruption of another war was on the horizon immediately following the Sinai campaign.


2020 ◽  
pp. 181-205
Author(s):  
Francine R. Frankel

The US policy of collective security against the Soviet Union led to the pursuit of the Middle East Defense Organization, which was undermined by Nehru’s success in persuading Egypt to follow his example of remaining nonaligned. Nehru failed, however, to prevent the 1954 Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement between the United States and Pakistan, which tilted the balance of power in the subcontinent away from India—although Mountbatten weighed in to provide advanced British aircraft and averted an incipient deal between New Delhi and Moscow. Subsequently, Nehru was confirmed in his belief that the United States was determined to build up Pakistan and build- down India.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-93
Author(s):  
Muhammad Shoaib ◽  
Waseem Ishaque ◽  
Syed Ali Shah

The regional security matrix of the Middle East is facing serious challenges since the US invasion of Iraq, which has left a deep impact on the regional balance of power. A hostile nation towards Iran becomes an ally after the fall of the Saddam regime. Things are changing rapidly when several series of protests across the Arab and African region erupted since 2011 with the Tunisian revolution to be first on the list. Muslim countries across the Arab and African region faced regime changes, the rise of nonstate actors (NSA) and infighting due to breakdown state institutions. This article explores the evolving post Arab Spring situation in the region and suggests policy options for Pakistan.


Politik ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie Hammer

Former President Bush came into office convinced that the US Presidential Office had been wrongly weakened. The 2001 terrorist attack provided Bush with the opportunity to remedy this situation. Capitalised on new won public support combined with the need for the president to act in a time of emergency Bush aimed to strengthening the power of the presidential office. However, the President’s intentions at the time do not provide us with the full picture. Using agency-theory this article examines the reaction from Congress and the Supreme Court which throughout the period paved the way for change in the institutional balance of power. President Barack Obama signalled a break from this form of imperial presidency but is also dependent on enforcing his electoral pledges. Confronted by an uncooperative Congress and pressure from both Congress and the Court to investigate the Bush–era’s security policies Obama is forces to position himself in the institutional power battle. 


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria do Céu de Pinho Ferreira Pinto

When the Arab Spring broke out, the United States was in a quandary over how to handle the crisis in its attempt to balance its moral obligations and ideals without undercutting its strategic interests and those of its close allies. Flaws in US diplomatic approach have contributed to one of the most serious foreign policy crisis for a US administration to date with consequential upheaval and erosion of the US-built balance of power. The reactions and policy responses of the Obama administration highlight the difficulties in grasping with the new reality in the Middle East and in enunciating a policy platform that could combine American interests and values.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
Arzu Yılmaz

The future of the Kurds in Iraq and Syria after a US withdrawal has already begun to take shape. The containment of Kurdish political and military cross-border mobility has been achieved to some extent by paving the way for Turkey’s military operations; it is now contingent on the recomposition of a desired ‘favorable balance of power” to fill the power vacuum in the Middle East. With an aggressive Turkish stance in the region, however, neither this containment policy nor the efforts made toward the maintenance of the “favorable balance of power” can be successful.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Donald E. Wagner

It is a common assumption in the international media that the fundamentalist Christian Right suddenly appeared on the US political scene following the 11 September 2001 tragedy, and that it became a major force in shaping US policy in the Middle East. While it is true that fundamentalist Christians have exercised considerable influence during the George W. Bush administration, their ascendance is neither new nor surprising. The movement has demonstrated political influence in the US and England intermittently for more than a hundred years, particularly in the formation of Middle East policy. This article focuses on the unique theology and historical development of Christian Zionism, noting its essential beliefs, its emergence in England during the nineteenth century, and how it grew to gain prominence in the US. The alliance of the pro-Israel lobby, the neo-conservative movement, and several Christian Zionist organizations in the US represents a formidable source of support for the more maximalist views of Israel's Likud Party. In the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections this alliance could potentially thwart any progress on an Israeli–Palestinian peace plan in the near future. Moreover, Likud ideology is increasingly evident in US Middle East policy as a result of this alliance.


Author(s):  
Esraa Aladdin Noori ◽  
Nasser Zain AlAbidine Ahmed

The Russian-American relations have undergone many stages of conflict and competition over cooperation that have left their mark on the international balance of power in the Middle East. The Iraqi and Syrian crises are a detailed development in the Middle East region. The Middle East region has allowed some regional and international conflicts to intensify, with the expansion of the geopolitical circle, which, if applied strategically to the Middle East region, covers the area between Afghanistan and East Asia, From the north to the Maghreb to the west and to the Sudan and the Greater Sahara to the south, its strategic importance will seem clear. It is the main lifeline of the Western world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-154
Author(s):  
Richard A. Clarke
Keyword(s):  

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