Turkey and Iran: Strategic Thinking towards the Middle East "Comparative Study"

Author(s):  
Tareq Mohammed Dhannoon Al Taie

The retreat of Iraq after US occupation, the decline of the Arab states after Arab political changes, and the chaos in which following the change after 2011, led to the emergence of a strategic vacuum and absence of a unified response, thus forming an incentive for Iran and Turkey to activate their strategic performance in the Middle East. As an expression of the accumulation of the historical aspects of both powers, as well as the growing abilities, each state try to  increasing of its role, but the central question, where the signs of symmetry and asymmetry?, and why?.        Turkey and Iran are  a regional players in the Middle East. The strategic thinking of the two countries is based on ideology and interest. However, the interest occupies the most important place in the strategic performance, especially in addressing the political issues of Middle East. The symmetry and asymmetry are regarded the basic pillars of the Turkish and Iranian strategic thinking. The research attempts to prove that the interest occupies a more important position than ideology in Turkey and Iran, especially after the political change in the Arab world by clarifying all the characteristics of Iran and Turkey strategic thinking and conduct compares among them.

Author(s):  
Eyal Zisser

This article describes how in the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, with doubt and concern as well about what was happening in the region around them; suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. Therefore, the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken. Thus, towards the end of 2017, the memory of the “Israeli spring” was becoming faded and forgotten. However, while the Arab world was sinking into chaos marked by an ever deepening economic and social crisis that deprived its citizens of any sense of security and stability, Israel, by contrast, was experiencing years of stability in both political and security spheres, as well as economic growth and prosperity. This stability enabled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party to remain in power and to maintain the political and social status-quo in Israel.


Author(s):  
Augustus Richard Norton

This chapter assesses the critical issue of political reform in the Middle East. The Arab world has been slow to respond to the global processes of democratization. The chapter then highlights the political economy of states, the persistence of conflict, regime type, and the ambiguity over the relationship between democracy and Islam. This relationship is not necessarily a contradictory one. Islamic discourse is marked by participation and diversity rather than by rigidity and intolerance. Further, as the Arab Spring has illustrated, civil society is vibrant and growing in many states across the region. Meanwhile, responses from the West to political reform have been lukewarm, with stability and regional alliances privileged over democracy. The evidence from the region, even before the Arab uprisings, is that peoples want better and more representative government, even if they remain unclear as to what type of government that should be.


Worldview ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Balfour Brickner

Israel the David has become Israel the Goliath. In the eyes of millions, a much-admired underdog withstood heroically, even miraculously in June of 1967, the threat of annihilation from the giant military menace of the combined Arab armies. Four and a half years later this underdog has become, in the minds of those same millions, an aggressive, obstinate, muscle-bound upstart, not only blocking all possibilities for normalcy in the Middle East but, far more dangerously, threatening the peace of the world. As this reversal of image hardens, political postures change. Here in America, those in the political center see Israel as an obstacle to broader economic trade and thus to easier diplomatic relations with the vast Arab world, while from the left, Israel stands condemned as an imperialist tool of the capitalist powers, preventing the legitimate national liberation of millions of oppressed Arab fellahin.


2018 ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jędrzejczyk-Kuliniak

The religious and cultural system of Islam is not a monolith, although it cannot be claimed that there are many Islams. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the trend of religious fundamentalism has predominated in public opinion. However, this is only one of many forms of Islam. Its other extreme is the liberal one. These two religious interpretations are rather hostile towards one another, which finds reflection in the values each preaches. The movement of Islamic revival is connected with liberal thinking and it goes beyond the Arab countries. It can also be observed in Europe and the Muslim countries in Asia. Each movement is specific and tries to face up to different social and political issues. Given the deficit of democracy and the existence of authoritarian governments in the Middle East, the revival movement of the Arab world provides the best opportunity to scrutinize the challenges and development opportunities for democracy. This tendency is becoming an increasingly significant political force in the Middle East. Its representatives are also referred to as Muslim centrists, democrats or liberal Muslim reformers. They base their visions of political development on the social doctrine of Islam, stemming from the nahda movement, and from the ‘re-opening of the ijtihad’. The paper presents the values of liberal Islam, including the Muslim concept of democracy, social justice, sovereignty, freedom and the equality of women. The purpose of the paper is also to outline the main challenges related to the liberalization of Islam.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Summer 2021) ◽  
pp. 253-261
Author(s):  
Adil Shafi

This review article aims to provide broader nuances about Saudi Arabia amid the rapid developments taking place in the Middle East in general and Saudi Arabia in particular, following the rise of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS). This article begins with Salman’s Legacy, edited by Madawi al-Rasheed, and subsequently, takes up Madawi al-Rasheed’s The Son King and Ben Hubbard’s biography of MBS. It provides a brief summary of the books under review and analyzes their different themes while critically examining their prevailing shortcomings. The rise of MBS has brought about visible changes, not only in the political body of Saudi Arabia but in the wider Arab world as well. Salman’s Legacy: The Dilemmas of a New Era in Saudi Arabia, edited by Madawi al-Rasheed, seeks to highlight these challenges and provide a broad overview of Saudi Arabia, ranging from domestic affairs to foreign affairs and exploring the factors that drive the Saudi regime.


2019 ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway

The 2011 uprisings had a profound impact on the geopolitics of the Middle East due to the vacuum created by the political turmoil consuming its three traditional power centers—Egypt, Syria and Iraq. Two old imperial rivals, Turkey and Iran, competed to fill the vacuum while an emerging new regional power, Saudi Arabia, made a bid for the leadership of the Arab world. At the same time, the United States, despite its efforts to disengage from Middle East conflicts, became more engaged than ever, first with Iran and then in civil wars underway in Syria and Iraq and against Islamic extremist groups. Meanwhile, Russia after two decades of absence, returned to quickly re-establish its influence there.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 280
Author(s):  
Philip Leslie Cass

Media and Political Contestation in the Contemporary Arab World, edited by Lena Jayyusi and Anne Sofie Roald. Basingstoke/New York: Palgrave MacMillan 2016. 327 pages. ISBN 978-1-137-5252-2-2.MEDIA and Political Contestation in the Contemporary Arab World explores the extremely complicated reality of the Arab media and its place in the political and cultural debates that are rarely recognised or understood in the west. In the Middle East, media of all kinds, from clothes to pop songs, carry heavily loaded political messages that simply cannot be avoided and which can cause political explosions.


Author(s):  
Anna Alekseevna Komakha ◽  
Mikhail Aleksandrovich Ivashkin ◽  
Mikhail Vladimirovich Kotov

This article analyzes the relations between France and the Middle East states through the prism of foreign policy course of Emmanuel Macron, who was elected as the president of France on May 14, 2017. The Middle East vector of foreign policy is traditional for the Republic, and therefore is one of the foreign policy priorities for the current leader. The author aim to determine the essence and key peculiarities of the Middle East course of E. Macron. For achieving the set goal it is necessary to outline the priority foreign policy vectors of the president and range of countries in the region that are subject to the measures of his chosen course; analyze in which states and to what extent the leader of the Republic continues the policy of his predecessors who were in power since the early XXI century; and changes in the relations between France and certain Middle East states. The conclusion is made on the presence of particular factors that hinder the conduct of smart policy in the region, which would meet the interests of all Middle Eastern actors. Disaccord of the French leader with his international partners regarding the Middle East regulation significantly complicates the implementation of smart foreign relative to the Arab world. E. Macron is currently paying scrupulous attention to the policy of European integration, which raises a number of unresolved issues regarding the Middle East. This alongside the domestic political issues undermines the authority of the current French leader.


1968 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-311
Author(s):  
Khurshid Ahmad

Egypt occupies an important place in the Middle East. It has, for the last eighty years or so, acted as the mind of the Arab world. Its impact has not been confined to the realm of politics; it is influencing the intellectual, social and economic life of the area. It claims to have made a first full-dress experi¬ment in socialism in the Middle East. A study of the transformation of the Egyptian economy and society is bound to be interesting and enlightening.The Revolution in Egypt's Economic System is one such study. Patrick O'Brien has written a valuable monograph on the new system and the manner in which it is operating. The author has made a systematic study of "the poli¬tical, legal and institutional framework within which economic enterprise has operated since the revolution". The book is divided into nine chapters: two dealing with the pattern of the economy before the revolution and six discussing the transformations that took place after the revolution. The last chapter is devoted to an evaluation of the system and of its achievements in respect of achieving administrative efficiency and economic equity. The relationship be¬tween government and economy is an important area of study in the economic history of Egypt. State participation in the economic field began with the reforms introduced by Mohammad Ali which led to the emergence of public monopolies. The transition towards free-market economy began in 1844 and was completed by 1914. By the mid-twentieth century, Egypt had a predo¬minantly free market operating side by side with an effective public sector. Agriculture continued to occupy an important position but significant strides had also been taken towards industrialization. Around 1950, Egypt had ac¬quired an industrial structure dominated by the manufacture of simple con¬sumer goods. Fifteen per cent of Egypt's national income came from industry and the per-capita income stood at $118.


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