Part II. Peace and Security. Conflict, Disaster, and Global Politics

Resolved ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 71-226
Author(s):  
John Baylis ◽  
James J. Wirtz

This edition explores the role of military power in the contemporary world and the changes that have occurred over the last decade. It examines the debates about whether there has been a revolution in military affairs and the future of warfare, given the phenomenal pace of innovation in electronics and computer systems, which is often referred to as cyberwar. It also considers the strategic implications of the changing structure of global politics and the role of U.S. military power in a world in transition, along with the continuing relevance of various theories of peace and security. This introduction discusses strategic studies, criticisms levelled against strategic studies, and the relationship between strategic studies and security studies.


Author(s):  
Paul Kirby ◽  
Laura J Shepherd

Abstract The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda is a global peace and security architecture conventionally understood as emerging from a suite of UN Security Council resolutions and accompanying member state action plans over the last twenty years. The agenda serves as a major international gender equality initiative in its own right and as a prominent example of the broadening of security practices in global politics. In this paper, we present the first truly systematic analysis of the agenda, drawing on a novel dataset of 213 WPS policy documents from across the UN system, national government initiatives, and regional and international organizations published between 2000 and 2018. We argue that the degree of variation in the WPS agenda is frequently underestimated in conventional models of norm diffusion and policy transfer, and instead propose an account of the agenda as a dynamic ecosystem shaped by reproduction and contestation. Our empirical mapping runs counter to established narratives about the development of the agenda, producing insights into the pace and location of the growth of WPS; the hierarchy of its key “pillars”; the emergence of new issues; the development of rival versions of the agenda; and the role of domestic institutions in shaping WPS policy. We find support for the claim that the WPS agenda is pluralizing in significant ways and provide illustrations of points of fracture within the agenda at large. Our argument has significant implications for the WPS research agenda and for scholarship on security norms and policy more broadly.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-65
Author(s):  
Míla O'Sullivan

The adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security (WPS) in 2000 has prompted the development of an extensive WPS scholarship within the field of feminist International Relations. The dynamic scholarly debate is characterised by certain tensions between two feminist groups – the radical revolutionary one which advocates a redefinition of the global order and is more sceptical of the agenda, and the pragmatist one accentuating the compromise towards the existing peace and security governance. This article explores the two main subjects of the WPS research – the discourse and implementation, as they have been informed by the revolutionary and pragmatist approaches. The article shows that while the academic inquiries into the WPS discourse reveal disappointment with the compromises made regarding the revolutionary vision, this disappointment is also present in the literature on implementation. The latter literature nonetheless acknowledges feminist pragmatism as a way forward given the realities on the ground.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 270-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Obinna Franklin Ifediora

Ten years after its endorsement by the un General Assembly, the operationalisation of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) concept faces challenges of consistency and capacity. Too often, global politics at the world’s premier intergovernmental body, the un, hampers effective action. Regional arrangements have a crucial role to play in this regard, however, questions of capacity to live up to this expectation remain. The Peace and Security Council (psc) of the African Union (au), mandated to implement the African Peace and Security Architecture (apsa) has primarily focused on developing the African Standby Force (asf), which the au succeeded in bringing to its ‘Full Operational Capability’ (foc) in December 2015 for implementation. Deploying the asf in deserving cases, for instance in Burundi in 2016, raises issues of sovereign consent, risks and costs. To avoid these complexities, this article argues that regional arrangements under Chapter viii are primarily pacific tools of the Security Council; focusing on harnessing these peaceful mechanisms of conflict prevention offers potential for consistent and effective ‘first responses’ to crises, with fewer complications. Regional arrangements as mediation tools present great opportunity for peaceful settlement of local disputes. Support for mediation is typically by peace operations. This article proposes that mediation support by a ‘preventive arbitration’ tool through ‘popular participation’ under the African Governance Architecture (aga) may have a pivotal role in this respect. Therefore, a regional responsibility to protect, through greater mediation, requires mediating challenges of governance in Africa.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharine AM Wright

NATO’s public diplomacy plays an important role in constituting the alliance’s identity in global politics, yet has remained marginal to many scholarly accounts of the alliance. This article considers NATO’s increasing footprint in digital diplomacy and the role of gendered narratives in shaping it. The central point of analysis is NATO’s ‘story of Afghanistan’, told in the web-documentary Return to Hope, which was released to much acclaim in September 2014 to coincide with the drawdown of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan. It finds personal narratives given precedence over historical events, key temporal omissions and the silencing of Afghan women. As such, it provides an important critique of the masculinist protection logic underpinning NATO’s efforts, which has served to instrumentalize (Afghan) women and falls short of expectations given the alliance’s commitment to UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the Women, Peace and Security agenda.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Omme Asma

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation based on the concept of the Ummah (Nation) in Quran. They established in 1969 due to Arab Israel wars and aggression on Al-Aqsa Mosque. OIC is the second largest International Organization representing 57 Muslim Countries and the spokesman for the 1.5 million Muslims, where they highlight their problems and develop cooperation and coordination. After 9/11, great change noticed when the war against International Terrorism began and indirectly Muslim Ummah targeted under the shadow of war for peace. In this situation, OIC could serve as an important platform to project an image of the Muslim World and its dynamics at the international level. In this paper discuss the post on 9/11 global politics and the role of OIC. And the OIC strategy with the member states promoting Islamic Unity and International Peace and Security. OIC reviewing the goals through human rights mechanism and support of moderation and modernisation. The research conducted that the Organization of Islamic Cooperation has failed in protecting the requisite demands for Peace and Security within the prevalent International dynamics.


Author(s):  
Alain Noel ◽  
Jean-Philippe Therien

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