The Jimmy Carter Administration (1977-1981)

2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olav Njølstad

From the late 1940s on, the United States did its best to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI)from gaining a role in the Italian government. When Jimmy Carter took office in Washington in 1977, the PCI once again was maneuvering for a share of power in Rome. Some observers in Italy speculated that the new U.S. administration would be less averse than its predecessors had been to the prospect of Communist participation in the Italian government. The Carter administration's initial statements and actions created further ambiguity and may have emboldened some senior PCI officials to step up their efforts to gain at least a share of power. Faced with the prospect that Communists would be invited into a coalition government in Italy, the Carter administration dropped its earlier caution and spoke out unequivocally against a “historic compromise” involving the PCI. Although it is difficult to say whether the more forceful U.S. stance made a decisive difference, the ruling Christian Democrats in Italy were able to keep the Communist Party out of the government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101-126
Author(s):  
Alice Ciulla

Jimmy Carter was elected President of the United States in November 1976. A few months earlier, the Italian elections marked an extraordinary result for the Italian Communist Party (PCI), and some of its members obtained institutional roles. During the electoral campaign, members of Carter's entourage released declarations that seemed to prelude to abandoning the anti-communist veto posed by previous governments. For a year after the inauguration, the US administration maintained an ambiguous position. Nonetheless, on 12 January 1978, the United States reiterated its opposition to any forms of participation of communists in the Italian government. Drawing on a varied set of sources and analysing the role of non-state actors, including think tanks and university centres, this article examines the debate on the Italian "communist question" within the Carter administration and among its advisers. Such discussion will be placed within a wider debate that crossed America's liberal culture.


Author(s):  
Alan McPherson

This chapter focuses on Isabel Letelier’s widowhood in the year or so after the assassination, in addition to the experiences of other friends and family members. Letelier and her four teenage boys face daunting challenges of ostracism and destitution. She essentially replaces her husband at the Institute for Policy Studies and, with Michael Moffitt, pressures the Jimmy Carter administration to pursue the investigation into the Pinochet government. These non-state actors will end up having a significant impact on the case.


Worldview ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 13-18
Author(s):  
William J. Barnds

Few if any of America's relationships with its allies are likely to present the Carter administration with more complex and difficult dilemmas than does South Korea. During his drive for the presidency Jimmy Carter was critical of the Republic of Korea (ROK) for its suppression of human rights and said he would remove the U.S. ground troops there over the next several years. (The 42,000 U.S. forces in Korea include about 7,000 air force personnel and a few hundred sailors. About half of the 35,000 ground forces are in combat units, and the others provide logistical support.)


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 231-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT FREEDMAN

The ‘religious right’ came to prominence in the US during the late 1970s by campaigning on ‘social issues’ and encouraging many fundamentalist and evangelical Christians to get involved in politics. However, the fact that it clashed with ‘born again’ President Jimmy Carter over tax breaks for religious schools believed to be discriminatory, together with its illiberal stances on many issues, meant that it was characterized as an extremist movement. I argue that this assessment is oversimplified. First, many Christian schools were not racially discriminatory, and their defenders resented being labelled as racists. Secondly, few historians have recognized that the Christians involved in the religious right were among the most secularized of their kind. The religious right was often mistakenly categorized alongside earlier American Christian political movements that had displayed extremist and anti-democratic tendencies. The Carter administration's records and oft-ignored religious right ephemeral literature partly substantiate the movement's contention that it was defensive rather than theocratic in nature. One of my conclusions is that more attention must be paid to the subtle nuances of the political and theological views of religious right leaders, because the confusion surrounding the religious right is partly a function of its leaders harbouring internally inconsistent views.


Author(s):  
Robert O. Freedman

lt has now been almost six years since Jimmy Carter left office. In this period, the memoirs of almost everyone of the key American participants in Soviet-American relations during the Carter Administration have been published, along with evaluations by Soviet officials, and a major Soviet defector. In addition a number of American scholars have published analyses of the Carter Administration's dealing with the USSR. the most extensive being that of Raymond Garthoff, himself a participantobserver of Soviet American relations during this period.


Author(s):  
Keren Yarhi-Milo

This chapter discusses the relevant predictions of the alternative theses about how states should assess intentions by analyzing the case of the Carter administration during the period 1977–1980. Jimmy Carter began his time as president of the United States with great optimism about the USSR and was committed to improving the U.S.–Soviet relations. By the end of his tenure, however, Carter’s perceptions of the Soviet Union had changed and his policies emphasized competition over cooperation. The détente had collapsed. The chapter examines the Carter administration’s assessment of Soviet intentions, and more specifically the dramatic changes in U.S. perceptions of the Soviet Union, using the selective attention thesis, capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. It considers whether key decision makers in the Carter administration engaged in intentions assessment attend to different indicators than the U.S. intelligence organizations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 254-279
Author(s):  
Alice Ciulla
Keyword(s):  

Il democratico Jimmy Carter venne eletto presidente degli Stati Uniti nel novembre del 1976.Pochi mesi prima, il Partito comunista italiano (Pci) aveva ottenuto uno straordinario risultatoelettorale che aveva garantito incarichi istituzionali ad alcuni suoi esponenti. Durante lacampagna elettorale, i membri dell'entourage di Carter rilasciarono dichiarazioni che sembravanopreludere all'abbandono del veto anticomunista posto dai governi precedenti e per circaun anno dall'insediamento l'amministrazione mantenne una posizione ambigua. Il 12 gennaio1978, tuttavia, gli Stati Uniti ribadirono ufficialmente la contrarietà a qualsiasi forma dipartecipazione dei comunisti nel governo italiano. Utilizzando fonti di natura diversa e includendonell'analisi una pluralità di attori non statali tra cui think tank e centri di ricerca universitari,questo saggio mira a ricostruire il dibattito interno all'amministrazione Carter sulla "questione comunista" in Italia e a collocarlo all'interno di una discussione più ampia che attraversòla cultura liberal statunitense.


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