American Cities

Author(s):  
Peter Temin

The United States has a dual residential system; the FTE sector lives in wealthy suburbs, and the low-wage sector lives in inner cities. Urban services are old and deteriorating. City schools are old, city planners concentrated poor people in tall buildings, and public transportation is neglected. Insufficiently maintained tall buildings destroy social capital, and poor public transportation keeps low-wage workers from good jobs. Residential segregation has increased, leading to segregated schools and neighborhoods; support for inner cities is presented as helping African Americans and Latinos. The FTE sector has little personal contact with inner city problems, and does not support taxes to solve them.

1989 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Dejong

Current marketing efforts by commercial condom manufacturers are directed at White consumers and therefore neglect inner city Blacks and Latinos as potential users of condoms. This paper reviews “social marketing programs” developed in Third World countries to promote condoms as a contraceptive, often with the financial assistance of the United States or other governments. This technology — which includes product, pricing, distribution, and promotional considerations — should be applied in the United States, especially to reach poor minority populations that are currently at greater risk for teenage pregnancy, AIDS, and other sexually transmitted diseases.


Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow

I agree with British economist Alfred Marshall about the high costs of "wasteful negligence" of the poor and with the Economist that the slums in our cities constitute "America's main domestic challenge." But those judgments alone would not justify making the urban problem the subject of the final substantive chapter of this book. What argues for coming to rest here on the contemporary urban problem is the view that it will be impossible, over a period of time, for the United States to play the role of critical margin on the world scene if we do not solve the urban problem. By "solve," I do not mean a reduction of the social pathology within the inner cities to the level of the more affluent counties that surround them. That will take time, perhaps a generation or more. Indeed, it might never happen. In any case, there is no quick fix. By "solve," I mean the bringing about of a systematic and substantive process of decline in the social pathology of the inner city. That demonstration will convince those who live there and the community as a whole that the job is doable. Right now, the greatest obstacle to a solution of the problem is the belief both in the inner city and the community at large that the job is not doable. As I said on another occasion:… When i am asked how I would rate the urban problem on the agenda of national-security problems, I reply it is our number one nationalsecurity problem. If we succeed in mastering the current urban problem of our country, we shall strengthen our hand on the world scene. We shall demonstrate that we can he a truly multiracial society, which is at the same time true to the international ideals to which we as a nation have long been committed. Nothing constructive can be accomplished in this dynamic, contentious, aspiring world without the active participation of the United States. But, ii we fail to master the urban problem, we shall, I fear, turn inward, away from the world. We shall he unable to play our part at the critical margin. And we shall risk a world environment of chaos.


1996 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Michael Siegfried ◽  

Drugs and crime are resounding issues with regard to contemporary cities. As we approach the twenty-first century, their impact on American cities in particular requires attention. The realities of life facing the residents of inner cities today are leading to a future that may resemble in many ways Aldous Huxley's dystopia. Brave New World. Unless a serious national commitment is made to alter present trajectories, the future may well be one in which drugs, crime, and social pathologies, combined with a lack of educational and economic opportunities, relegate many people to the bottom of society, enslaved by soma and casual sexual gratification, eerily reminiscent of Huxley's genetically-engineered society.


Author(s):  
Peter Temin

The United States has a dual education system; the FTE sector sends its children to suburban public and private schools, and the low-wage sector sends its children to failing urban public schools. This dual system was created in response to the Great Migration as whites left inner cities to incoming black families. It was sustained by the Supreme Court and federal support for suburban growth. City schools are deprived of support and increasingly fail to educate black and brown children properly. Poor low-wage families with incarcerated fathers are forced to use failing schools, and their children grow up to be imprisoned. Reform efforts aim for quick results and fail spectacularly. Charter schools—private public schools—have widely varied effects.


Author(s):  
Kai Erikson

This chapter examines the ways of life in the city. The world is now moving into an age when the vast majority of people will live in (or around) cities. This is already the case in Europe and the United States, and it is becoming a reality in Latin America. The chapter first describes the early cities before discussing the sociology of cities in the United States, focusing on immigration and migration. It then considers the emergence of suburbs and how they are related to the American inner cities. It also discusses the people of the inner city that are referred to as an “underclass,” living in what Oscar Lewis called a “culture of poverty.” Finally, it looks at new developments that are shaping what may well be the urban landscape of the future, including the new downtowns and sunbelt cities.


Author(s):  
David Nelson ◽  
Yawa Duse-Anthony ◽  
Scott Friemann

Public transportation is critical for mobility in most large cities in the United States. In Boston and eastern Massachusetts, the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority (MBTA) offers subway, bus, ferry, and commuter rail service to provide options to personal automobile use and thereby reduce highway congestion, improve air quality, and reduce energy consumption. In recent years, scholarly research has suggested that railroads in the city represent an overlooked rail transit opportunity for inner-city mobility. The MBTA's Fairmount Commuter Rail Line passes through some of the most densely populated neighborhoods in the region, yet residents seldom use the line for travel. Instead, Fairmount corridor residents tend to use private automobiles and the overcrowded bus and rapid transit network to travel to downtown Boston. This report documents the methods, findings, and recommendations of a 14-month planning study to investigate strategies that would increase the attractiveness and utility of MBTA services on this underutilized line. The paper then suggests where and how the findings of the Fairmount project might be applied for other inner-city corridors.


Author(s):  
Hannah L. Walker

Springing from decades of abuse by law enforcement and an excessive criminal justice system, members of over-policed communities lead the current movement for civil rights in the United States. Activated by injustice, individuals protested police brutality in Ferguson, campaigned to end stop-and-frisk in New York City, and advocated for restorative justice in Washington, D.C. Yet, scholars focused on the negative impact of punitive policy on material resources, and trust in government did not predict these pockets of resistance, arguing instead that marginalizing and demeaning policy teaches individuals to acquiesce and withdraw. Mobilized by Injustice excavates conditions under which, despite otherwise negative outcomes, negative criminal justice experiences catalyze political action. This book argues that when understood as resulting from a system that targets people based on race, class, or other group identifiers, contact can politically mobilize. Negative experiences with democratic institutions predicated on equality under the law, when connected to a larger, group-based struggle, can provoke action from anger. Evidence from several surveys and in-depth interviews reveals that mobilization as result of negative criminal justice experiences is broad, crosses racial boundaries, and extends to the loved ones of custodial citizens. When over half of Blacks and Latinos and a plurality of Whites know someone with personal contact, the mobilizing effect of a sense of injustice promises to have important consequences for American politics.


1991 ◽  
Vol 68 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1378-1378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashton D. Trice ◽  
Robert King

211 kindergarten children were interviewed in September and again in May concerning their career aspirations. On both occasions the interviewer asked for a first career choice; if something other than a real job was given, the interviewer asked for a second choice. During the September interview, 74% supplied a “real” career as their first choice and 10% gave real career responses as a second choice. Eight months later, 89% gave real careers as a first choice. Of those giving a real career response on the first occasion 46% chose the same occupation at the second interview, suggesting that kindergarten children have realistic career aspirations, and these aspirations are stable. Nonreal career aspirations appear to diminish during this period. Children from inner city schools had higher rates of nonreal responses and lower stability of choice than other groups.


Urban History ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 492-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALISTAIR KEFFORD

ABSTRACT:This article examines the impact of post-war urban renewal on industry and economic activity in Manchester and Leeds. It demonstrates that local redevelopment plans contained important economic underpinnings which have been largely overlooked in the literature, and particularly highlights expansive plans for industrial reorganization and relocation. The article also shows that, in practice, urban renewal had a destabilizing and destructive impact on established industrial activities and exacerbated the inner-city problems of unemployment and disinvestment which preoccupied policy-makers by the 1970s. The article argues that post-war planning practices need to be integrated into wider histories of deindustrialization in British cities.


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