Weighing the Costs

2020 ◽  
pp. 154-204
Author(s):  
Vanessa Walker

This chapter explores the Carter administration's approach to Argentina, driven by a rich interaction between advocates and government officials in Buenos Aires and Washington. Argentina was the site of some of the Carter administration's most sustained and vigorous human rights efforts, yet it also revealed the limits of influence and competing priorities among administration officials and U.S. human rights groups. In Argentina, tensions arose around the dual objectives of U.S. policy: to defend human rights by distancing itself from dictatorships and to engage with repressive regimes to improve specific human rights problems. The Carter administration had built its foreign policy around the premise that the promotion and support of human rights would serve the national interest by building the United States' stature and influence in the international system. With Argentina, however, its human rights initiatives increasingly appeared to conflict with other national interests, particularly economic growth and new security concerns. With a struggling economy at home, the potential loss of trade and jobs due to human rights legislation curtailing international investment led some to question how this policy served the national interest.

Author(s):  
Derek S. Reveron ◽  
Nikolas K. Gvosdev

It is axiomatic that the foreign policy decisions of any country, including those of the United States, should be derived and based upon an understanding of the “national interest.” Yet there is no single, overarching conception of what constitutes the national interest or what should be considered as national interests. We see the idea of the national interest as an important starting point—a concept that enables national security policymakers to articulate what matters to the country and how a nation should set its priorities. National interests are enduring, such as protecting the integrity of the state and promoting economic prosperity. The domestic political system, international system, and organizational interests within the national security bureaucracy also shape national interests.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (4) ◽  
pp. 745-751 ◽  

On June 19, 2018, the United States withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council. Announcing this decision, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley characterized the Council as “a protector of human rights abusers and a cesspool of political bias.” U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo observed that while “the United States has no opposition in principle to multilateral bodies working to protect human rights,” nonetheless “when organizations undermine our national interests and our allies, we will not be complicit.” The withdrawal occurred one day after the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights criticized the United States in a speech at the Human Rights Council for its “unconscionable” practice of forcibly separating undocumented families entering the United States. In August, U.S. National Security Advisor John Bolton stated that in addition to withdrawing from the Council, the United States would also reduce its assessed contribution to the United Nations by the amount that would ordinarily flow to the Human Rights Council and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 614-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kanstroom

This article considers the relationship between two human rights discourses (and two specific legal regimes): refugee and asylum protection and the evolving body of international law that regulates expulsions and deportations. Legal protections for refugees and asylum seekers are, of course, venerable, well-known, and in many respects still cherished, if challenged and perhaps a bit frail. Anti-deportation discourse is much newer, multifaceted, and evolving. It is in many respects a young work in progress. It has arisen in response to a rising tide of deportations, and the worrisome development of massive, harsh deportation machinery in the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Mexico, Australia, and South Africa, among others. This article's main goal is to consider how these two discourses do and might relate to each other. More specifically, it suggests that the development of procedural and substantive rights against removal — as well as rights during and after removal — aids our understanding of the current state and possible future of the refugee protection regime. The article's basic thesis is this: The global refugee regime, though challenged both theoretically and in practice, must be maintained and strengthened. Its historical focus on developing criteria for admission into safe states, on protections against expulsion (i.e., non-refoulement), and on regimes of temporary protection all remain critically important. However, a focus on other protections for all noncitizens facing deportation is equally important. Deportation has become a major international system that transcends the power of any single nation-state. Its methods have migrated from one regime to another; its size and scope are substantial and expanding; its costs are enormous; and its effects frequently constitute major human rights violations against millions who do not qualify as refugees. In recent years there has been increasing reliance by states on generally applicable deportation systems, led in large measure by the United States' radical 25 year-plus experiment with large-scale deportation. Europe has also witnessed a rising tide of deportation, some of which has developed in reaction to European asylum practices. Deportation has been facilitated globally (e.g., in Australia) by well-funded, efficient (but relatively little known) intergovernmental idea sharing, training, and cooperation. This global expansion, standardization, and increasing intergovernmental cooperation on deportation has been met by powerful — if in some respects still nascent — human rights responses by activists, courts, some political actors, and scholars. It might seem counterintuitive to think that emerging ideas about deportation protections could help refugees and asylum seekers, as those people by definition often have greater rights protections both in admission and expulsion. However, the emerging anti-deportation discourses should be systematically studied by those interested in the global refugee regime for three basic reasons. First, what Matthew Gibney has described as “the deportation turn” has historically been deeply connected to anxiety about asylum seekers. Although we lack exact figures of the number of asylum seekers who have been subsequently expelled worldwide, there seems little doubt that it has been a significant phenomenon and will be an increasingly important challenge in the future. The two phenomena of refugee/asylum protections and deportation, in short, are now and have long been linked. What has sometimes been gained through the front door, so to speak, may be lost through the back door. Second, current deportation human rights discourses embody creative framing models that might aid constructive critique and reform of the existing refugee protection regime. They tend to be more functionally oriented, less definitional in terms of who warrants protection, and more fluid and transnational. Third, these discourses offer important specific rights protections that could strengthen the refugee and asylum regime, even as we continue to see weakening state support for the basic 1951/1967 protection regime. This is especially true in regard to the extraterritorial scope of the (deporting) state's obligations post-deportation. This article particularly examines two initiatives in this emerging field: The International Law Commission's Draft Articles on the Expulsion of Aliens and the draft Declaration on the Rights of Expelled and Deported Persons developed through the Boston College Post-Deportation Human Rights Project (of which the author is a co-director). It compares their provisions to the existing corpus of substantive and procedural protections for refugees relating to expulsion and removal. It concludes with consideration of how these discourses may strengthen protections for refugees while also helping to develop more capacious and protective systems in the future. “Those guarantees of liberty and livelihood are the essence of the freedom which this country from the beginning has offered the people of all lands. If those rights, great as they are, have constitutional protection, I think the more important one — the right to remain here — has a like dignity.” Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, 19522 “We need a national effort to return those who have been rejected … and we are working on that at the moment with great vigor.” Angela Merkel, October 15, 20163


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Soosaipillai Keethaponcalan

There are apparent differences between the developed North and the economically weak South. The relations between the North and South are marked by dichotomies and in order to deal with the challenges posed by the South, the North choses control and cooperation. The North uses several instruments including economic assistance to achieve its objectives. One of the new tools that is increasingly taken advantage of is human rights. Although there exists a genuine concern about human rights standards in the South, action on these issues almost always depends on national interest of the states in the North. This paradigm is proved true by the present human rights campaign the United States is undertaking against Sri Lanka in the United Nations Human Rights Council. The US and its Western allies believe that serious human rights violations have been committed during the last phase of the war in Sri Lanka. Promoting accountability and insisting on an international investigation, the US has successfully presented three resolutions on Sri Lanka since 2012. This paper argues that the US action is motivated primarily by its national interest. At the secondary level the US is interested in curtailing what is called the Sri Lanka model of conflict resolution and promoting reconciliation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
Johni Robert Verianto Korwa

Australia is currently faced with a strategic and economic dilemma regarding its interactions with China and the United States (US). On the one hand, it should maintain and strengthen its strategic relations with the US as an ally in order to contain a rising China. On the other hand, Australia should ensure its economic growth by strengthening trade relations with China. This paper aims to examine the implications of the new China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) for the ANZUS strategic alliance. Through Qualitative Approach, this article analyzes the issues with the use of realist and liberal perspectives in international relations. By assessing two previous events involving the triangular Australia-US-China relationship (the case of the Taiwan conflict, and the US development of a National Missile Defense system), this paper concludes that ChAFTA may tend to undermine the ANZUS alliance. Three reasons for this conclusion are identified: a fundamental shift in the way Australia perceives China; ChAFTA offers more benefits to Australia than the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA); and finally Australia may consider ChAFTA as being more in its national interests in the international system than the ANZUS alliance.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Dennyza Gabiella

By means of neo-liberal perspective and supported by empirical evidences, this essay argues that despite the neo-realists’ assumption of China’s potential threat over the current liberal international system (which is led by the United States as the hegemonic state), China’s tremendous economic rise can be accommodated peacefully for two reasons. The first reason is that China’s economic rise itself is enabled by the existing liberal international system, which perpetuated by the United States’ and its allies. Whereas the second reason is because it is less costly for the one-party-rule China to achieve its national interests by maintaining a cooperative strategic relationship with the United States compared to challenging the United States’ leadership and revising the current liberal international system. This essay will be organized into three main parts. The first part of this essay will elaborate the theoretical debate between neo-realism and neo-liberalism perspectives and their assumptions about the ‘China Threat Theory’. The second part will provide empirical evidences to support the analysis of China’s likelihood to challenge United States’ hegemony in the 21st century based on the neo-liberalism perspective. The third part will analyse the potential of China to become the regional hegemonic power in South East Asia, and then followed by a conclusion.


Author(s):  
Aaron T. Hale-Dorrell

Almost everyone has long misinterpreted Nikita Khrushchev’s ten-year crusade to propagate the cultivation of corn, a crop important across the globe but previously rare across the vast, environmentally diverse Soviet Union. Launched in 1953, this campaign comprised a large part of the new leadership’s efforts to remedy agrarian crises inherited from Iosif Stalin. Khrushchev pressured collective and state farms to increase plantings of corn from an insignificant proportion of their crops to a peak of nearly 20 percent. Expected to feed livestock that were to yield meat and dairy products, corn promised to enrich citizens’ meager, monotonous diets and thereby make good on Khrushchev’s infamous pledges that the Soviet Union was soon to “catch up to and surpass America” in the Cold War “peaceful competition” between communism and capitalism. Echoing Khrushchev’s former comrades, who denounced corn as “harebrained scheming” when ousting him in 1964, scholars have ridiculed it as “an irrational obsession.” Newly available archival documents reveal a more complex and interesting story of how Khrushchev borrowed industrial-farming methods from the United States. Following experts’ advice, he believed that hybrid seeds, machines, agronomy, and other technologies constituting the global trends in farming technology promised even greater increases in productivity under conditions found in the Soviet Union. Yet Khrushchev’s programs achieved only partial success because they could not overcome the entrenched interests, bureaucratic inertia, and competing priorities that encouraged government officials, local authorities, and farmworkers to disregard methods required to grow even modest harvests, let alone the bumper crops that Khrushchev envisioned.


2020 ◽  
pp. 15-61
Author(s):  
Vanessa Walker

This chapter traces the rise of the Movement — an influential coalition of left-liberal human rights actors targeting U.S. policy in Latin America — in response to the 1973 Chilean coup. It reveals the centrality of Latin America in 1970s human rights activism and formulation of human rights foreign policy mechanisms, including foreign aid legislation and bureaucratic structures in the State Department. Unlike human rights violations in the Soviet sphere, U.S. advocates viewed human rights abuses in Chile as a product of U.S. political dysfunction resulting from Cold War paradigms of national interest and excessive concentration of power in the presidency. Coming in the wake of the Watergate scandal and the failures of Vietnam, U.S. complicity in the Chilean coup and the subsequent repression underscored the antidemocratic nature of Cold War foreign policy, highlighting the connections between foreign human rights abuses and U.S. policies. Using the information generated by South American advocates, newly organized and vocal human rights groups in the United States and their congressional partners advanced a slate of legislative initiatives targeted at the nexus of foreign repression and U.S. policy, challenging the logic and substance of Cold War alliances.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

In the arena of international system, every state tries to maximize its own power for its self-survival. States are enhancing their power to increase their hegemony. That is why India and United States have led to a strategic partnership due to mutual interests in global politics such as promoting democracy and fighting terrorism. After that, they extend their collaboration across the economy, technology and atomic energy. In the South Asian security environment, the United States of America (USA) and India have a strong bond of strategic partnership due to the power struggle between the regional powers. India and USA started nuclear deal on 2005 which was completed on 2006. Behind this deal, both states increase their influence in this region. India seeks lasting partnerships with USA to achieve its strategic ambitions. The partnership of nuclear agreement between the USA and India will gain long-term national interests. This research highlights complex present-day demonstration of demonic incidence which emerged after this relationship and its implications on Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Michelle Vicky Gunawan

<p>Maritime security is an issue that is considered important by the United States. The role of the United States in the maritime sector is driven by its national interest. This encourages the United States to work with countries that have strategic geopolitical conditions such as Indonesia. This thesis aims to discuss the interests of the United States in Indonesia's maritime security sector, the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime security sector, and Indonesia's considerations in establishing cooperation with the United States. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a comparison of the role of the United States in the Indonesian maritime sector in the period of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II and Joko Widodo I. Following the theory of neoclassical-realism and neo-realism International Relations is the product of states’ national interest and this includes Indonesian interest in cooperation. This research uses a qualitative approach and descriptive and comparative methods with data collection techniques through literature study and online search. The thesis finds an increase in the role of the United States in strengthening Indonesia's maritime security in 2009-2019 after the presence of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy. This increase is accommodated by and is based on the pursuit of the national interests of each party.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK: </strong>Keamanan maritim merupakan salah satu isu yang dianggap penting oleh Amerika Serikat. Peranan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor maritim merupakan salah satu upaya pemenuhan kepentingan nasional negara. Hal tersebut mendorong Amerika Serikat menjalin kerja sama dengan negara yang memiliki kondisi geopolitik strategis seperti Indonesia. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai kepentingan Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia, peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor keamanan maritim Indonesia dan pertimbangan Indonesia untuk menjalin kerja sama dengan Amerika Serikat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah memberikan perbandingan peran Amerika Serikat dalam sektor kemaritiman Indonesia di periode Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono II dan Joko Widodo I. Teori neoclassical-realism dan neo-realism menjelaskan bahwa Hubungan Internasional dapat terjadi karena dorongan kepentingan nasional. Sesuai dengan kenyataan, Indonesia juga memiliki kepentingan dalam kerja sama tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif serta metode deskriptif dan komparatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka dan penelusuran daring. Terdapat tiga hasil analisis dalam penelitian ini yang merupakan jawaban dari rumusan masalah yang dibuat oleh penulis. Dari hasil penelitian, dapat disimpulkan adanya peningkatan peran Amerika Serikat dalam memperkuat keamanan maritim Indonesia tahun 2009-2019 setelah adanya kebijakan Global Maritime Fulcrum. Peningkatan ini diwadahi oleh dan dilandasi tujuan untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan nasional masing-masing pihak terkait.</p>


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document