Visible minorities, invisible citizens

Abstract Community support services are an integral component of aging in place. In social housing, older adult tenants struggle to access these services due to the siloed nature of housing and health services. This study aims to describe the relationship between community support services and social housing for older adults and examine ways to optimize delivery. Data on government-funded community support services delivered to 74 seniors’ social housing buildings in Toronto, Ontario was analyzed. Neighbourhood profile data for each building was also collected, and correlational analyses were used to examine the link between neighbourhood characteristics and service delivery. Fifty-six community agencies provided 5,976 units of services across 17 service categories, most commonly mental health supports, case management and congregate dining. On average, each building was supported by nine agencies that provided 80 units of service across 10 service categories. Buildings in neighbourhoods with a higher proportion of low-income older adults had more agencies providing on-site services (r = .275, p < .05), while those in neighbourhoods with more immigrants (r = -.417, p < .01), non-English speakers (r = -.325, p < .01), and visible minorities (r = -.381, p < .01) received fewer services. Findings point to a lack of coordination between service providers, with multiple agencies offering duplicative services within the same building. Vulnerable seniors from equity-seeking groups, including those who do not speak English and recent immigrants, may be excluded from many services, and future service delivery for seniors should strive to address disparities in availability and access.

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Social class versus cultural identity as factors in the residential segregation of ethnic groups in Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver for 2001

Canadian Studies in Population ◽

10.25336/p6930t ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 32 (2) ◽

pp. 203 ◽

Cited By ~ 11

Author(s):

T. R. Balakrishnan ◽

Paul Maxim ◽

Rozzet Jurdi

Keyword(s):

Social Class ◽

Ethnic Groups ◽

Residential Segregation ◽

Minority Groups ◽

South Asians ◽

The United States ◽

Visible Minority ◽

Cultural Preferences ◽

Visible Minorities ◽

Using Data

This article examines the relevance of the spatial assimilation model in understanding residential segregation of ethnic groups in the three largest gateway cities of Canada. Using data from the census of 2001 it finds that while the model may have worked for the European groups they are less applicable to the visible minorities such as the Chinese, South Asians and Blacks. Residential segregation reduces with generation for the European groups but not for the visible minorities. Canadian patterns seem to be different from that seen in the United States. Many visible minority groups maintain their concentration levels even in the suburbs. The findings seem to indicate that cultural preferences may be just as important as social class in the residential choices of visible minority groups.

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Don’t Burn our Flag: Patriotism, Perceived Threat, and the Impact of Desecrating a National Symbol on Intergroup Attitudes

10.31234/osf.io/76c4n ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Gaëlle Marinthe ◽

Benoît Testé ◽

Rodolphe Kamiejski

Keyword(s):

Negative Evaluation ◽

Ingroup Bias ◽

Perceived Threat ◽

Mediating Role ◽

Visible Minorities ◽

National Symbols ◽

National Attachment ◽

Strong Attachment ◽

National Flag ◽

The Impact

Desecration of national symbols is a recurring societal phenomenon that can lead to highly defensive reactions from some citizens, especially on the part of those expressing a strong attachment to the nation. In this paper, we investigated the effects of blind and constructive patriotism when faced with an ingroup (vs. outgroup) national flag burning on ingroup bias, taking into consideration the mediating role of perceived threat. In two studies (N = 252), the level of blind patriotism predicted stronger ingroup bias—due to more negative evaluation of visible minorities and/or more positive evaluation of the ingroup—when another ingroup¬ member burnt an ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag. This effect was partly mediated by a greater threat to the group’s image perceived by blindly patriotic people when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt (Study 2). Study 2 also highlighted a main effect of the symbol: ingroup bias was stronger when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt. We discuss the implications of our findings with respect to the role played by modes of national attachment and the consequences of desecrating symbols.

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Exploring diversity of representation in Toronto and Vancouver : political voices.

10.32920/ryerson.14663094.v1 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Skylar Maharaj

Keyword(s):

Role Models ◽

Political Representation ◽

Policy Framework ◽

Visible Minority ◽

Municipal Politics ◽

Elite Politics ◽

Visible Minorities ◽

Marginalized Groups ◽

Entry Points ◽

Personal Experiences

Previous research has shown that Canadian municipalities have lower visible minority proportionality rates among elected officials than other levels of government. To understand why, six visible minority city councillors and candidates from Toronto and Vancouver were interviewed. Respondents contributed their personal experiences and perspectives on issues of mirror, symbolic, and substantive representation of visible minorities. They discussed their initial involvement or interest in elite politics, their role models, and their understanding of the term “visible minority.” A broad narrative describes the complexities of political representation in practice and revealed that there were fewer entry points into elite municipal politics for individuals from marginalized groups. These entry points are further obscured by systemic barriers. Barriers were common for both cities despite differences in electoral systems and council structure. This paper recommends reimagining the “visible minority” categorization, and a policy framework that promotes the democratic ideal through institutional evaluations and acclaim for advancements.

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Social (In)justice and Rental Housing Discrimination in Urban Canada: The Case of Ethno-racial Minorities in the Herongate Community in Ottawa

Studies in Social Justice ◽

10.26522/ssj.v15i1.2239 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 15 (1) ◽

pp. 81-101

Author(s):

Joseph Mensah ◽

Daniel Tucker-Simmons

Keyword(s):

Real Estate ◽

Affordable Housing ◽

Asset Management ◽

Large Scale ◽

Rental Housing ◽

Legal Framework ◽

Immigrant Community ◽

Visible Minorities ◽

Selection Of

In 2015, the predominantly visible minority immigrant community of Herongate, in Ottawa, Ontario, was slated for redevelopment by its landlord, Timbercreek Asset Management. This redevelopment involved mass eviction of the incumbent tenants, demolition of the existing affordable housing and its replacement with luxury rentals, which, by all indications, are beyond the financial reach of the former Herongage tenants. This paper seeks to problematize large-scale residential real estate redevelopment in Canada and examine its impact, using the Herongate situation as a case study. Among other things, it profiles the Herongate community, its history and present redevelopment, and explores the legal framework, and the limits thereof, constraining mass evictions of this type in Ontario. The findings indicate that the selection of Herongate for redevelopment was not fortuitous; generally, racialized and immigrant communities like Herongate are disproportionately likely to be selected for large-scale redevelopment projects, and thus subjected to mass-evictions. Further results suggest that the dissolution of the Herongate community – and the attendant dislocation of its members – has exacted a pronounced social and economic toll and compounded the racial discrimination already experienced by the former Herongate residents, most of whom are visible minorities. The paper concludes with an appeal to imbue the redevelopment process with a greater regard for social justice, and a right to housing as a policy solution to address the injustice caused by real estate redevelopment.

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Endorsement of Specific Affirmative Action Programs for Visible Minorities

PsycTESTS Dataset ◽

10.1037/t16267-000 ◽

2001 ◽

Author(s):

Kimberly A. Quinn ◽

Erin M. Ross ◽

Victoria M. Esses

Keyword(s):

Affirmative Action ◽

Visible Minorities

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Perceived Value Threat/Promotion by Affirmative Action for Visible Minorities Measure

PsycTESTS Dataset ◽

10.1037/t16264-000 ◽

2001 ◽

Author(s):

Kimberly A. Quinn ◽

Erin M. Ross ◽

Victoria M. Esses

Keyword(s):

Affirmative Action ◽

Perceived Value ◽

Visible Minorities

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Nice Work if You can Get it: Ethnic Penalties in Great Britain

Unequal Chances ◽

10.5871/bacad/9780197263860.003.0012 ◽

2007 ◽

Cited By ~ 26

Author(s):

SIN YI CHEUNG ◽

ANTHONY HEATH

Keyword(s):

Twentieth Century ◽

Hong Kong ◽

Great Britain ◽

British Empire ◽

Major Part ◽

Second Generation ◽

Developed Countries ◽

The United Kingdom ◽

Visible Minorities ◽

First And Second Generation

Britain has long been home to migrants from Ireland (which until 1921 had been part of the United Kingdom). More recently, it has seen major inflows from a number of less-developed countries such as Jamaica, India, Pakistan, Nigeria, Kenya, and Hong Kong that had formerly been part of the British Empire. While there is some reason to believe that the Irish experienced some discrimination in Britain in the first half of the twentieth century or before, evidence implies that the Irish, both first and second generation, now compete on equal terms with the indigenous British. The ethnic penalties experienced by the visible minorities from the less-developed members of the Commonwealth have declined markedly in the second generation, but all the major visible minorities still find it more difficult to obtain jobs commensurate with their qualifications than do the various white groups, even in the second generation. Continuing discrimination against visible minorities is likely to be a major part of the explanation for the difficulty in gaining employment.

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