scholarly journals MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS POPULARES EM TEMPOS DE ASCENSÃO DAS NOVAS DIREITAS: a Marcha das Margaridas

Caderno CRH ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 021008
Author(s):  
Marco Antonio Teixeira
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Reproduction ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
New Right ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Rural Workers ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures ◽  
Organisations Internationales

<p>O artigo analisa a Marcha das Margaridas, uma mobilização feminista realizada no Brasil sob a liderança das mulheres do campo, da floresta e das águas, nos anos de 2015 e 2019, considerado o tempo de ascensão das novas direitas. A Marcha é organizada pelas mulheres do Movimento Sindical de Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais, em aliança com outros movimentos sociais, centrais sindicais e organizações internacionais. Adota-se uma abordagem teórica que considera a atuação dos movimentos sociais por meio dos conceitos de ações de reprodução social e formas de ação coletivas. Isso significa analisar a Marcha para além de suas expressões mais visíveis – uma grande marcha na cidade de Brasília e as negociações com agentes estatais (formas de ação coletiva). A mobilização envolve também um longo processo de organização, formação e<br />política de alianças com outros atores sociais (ações de reprodução social). Argumenta-se que analisá-las de maneira interdependente e vis-à-vis à estrutura de oportunidades políticas no tempo de ascensão das novas direitas aumenta a capacidade de compreensão de como movimentos sociais populares atuaram considerando o novo contexto.</p><p><strong>SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN TIMES OF THE RISE OF THE NEW RIGHT: the Marcha das Margaridas</strong><br /><br /></p><p>This article analyses the Marcha das Margaridas, a feminist mobilisation spearheaded by women from the Brazilian Union of Rural Workers in alliance with other social movements, trade unions, and international organisations in the years 2015 and 2019 – considered to be the time of the rise of the new right. From a theoretical approach that regard the performance of social movements based on the concepts of actions of social reproduction and forms of collective action, we analyse the Marcha beyond its most visible expression – that is, a large street protest in the city of Brasilia, and the negotiations with state agents (forms of collective action). Rather, we understand this movement as also involving a long process of organisation, mobilisation, political formation activities, and politics of alliances with other social actors (actions of social reproduction). By analysing them interdependently and vis-à-vis the political opportunity structures at the time of the rise of the new right, we will better understand how social movements acted considering the new context.</p><p>Keywords: Social Movements. New Rights. Collective Actions. Social Reproduction Actions. Marcha das Margaridas.</p><p><strong>LES MOUVEMENTS SOCIAUX POPULAIRES FACE A LA MONTEE DE LA NOUVELLE DROITE: la Marcha das Margaridas</strong><br /><br />L’article analyse la Marcha dasMargaridas, une mobilisation féministe qui a eu lieu au Brésil entre 2015 et 2019, période considéré comme celle de la montée de la nouvelle droite brésilienne. Dirigée par des femmes qui se réclament défenseuses de la campagne, des forêts et des eaux, la Marcha était organisée par des femmes du Mouvement Syndical des Travailleuses et Travailleurs Ruraux, en alliance avec d’autres mouvements sociaux, des centrales syndicales et des organisations internationales. L’approche théorique propose une analyse à partir du concept de “actions de reproduction sociale” et de “répertoires d’action collective”. Cela signifie qu’il faut analyser la Marcha au-delà de son expression la plus visible, à savoir, une grande marche à Brasília accompagnée des négociations avec les agents de l’État (répertoire d’action collective). La Marcha implique également un long processus d’organisation, de rassemblement, de formation et des politiques d’alliances avec d’autres acteurs sociaux (actions de reproduction sociale). Analyser ces éléments de manière interdépendante en fonction de la structure des opportunités politiques, et dans la période de montée de la nouvelle droite brésilienne, nous aide à mieux comprendre comment les mouvements sociaux populaires ont agi dans ce nouveau contexte. </p><p>Mots-clés: Mouvements Sociaux. Nouvelle Droite. Repertoires D’action  Collectives. Actions De Reproduction Sociale. Marcha Dasmargaridas.</p>

Remaking Education in Western Europe

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Jones
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Education Systems ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Post War ◽  
Important Objective

This article makes a contribution to discussion on the neo-liberal reshaping of education in Western Europe. It argues for a greater attentiveness on the part of education researchers to collective social actors such as trade unions and social movements. Making use of concepts from Gramsci and from Poulantzas, it suggests that such actors had a formative role in the making of post-war education systems, and that reducing their influence is now an important objective of governments across the European Union. Focusing on educational conflict in England, France and Italy, it explores the extent to which traditions associated with post-war reform continue to possess political vitality.

scholarly journals Interculturalización fallida. Desarrollismo, neoindigenismo y universidad intercultural en Yucatán, México

Revista Trace ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Genner de Jesús Llanes Ortiz
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
The Social ◽  
Failed Attempt ◽  
Different Sources ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

En el presente artículo sugiero que si bien la “interculturalidad” se ha convertido en un término de moda entre los movimientos sociales y las instituciones gubernamentales, su contenido real es sujeto de constantes disputas y negociaciones debido a su propia naturaleza transformativa y cuestionadora. La reflexión se basa en el fallido intento de creación de una universidad intercultural en el estado de Yucatán. Con información recopilada de fuentes diversas (entrevistas, observación participante y notas periodísticas) se presenta aquí un ejercicio de análisis de la compleja interfaz entre los distintos actores sociales, sus definiciones propias acerca de la interculturalidad y los contextos históricos y políticos desde los que actúan. Una de las ideas principales que se proponen es que para evaluar la interculturalización de este tipo de proyectos se debe prestar atención tanto al proceso de construcción y negociación de éste como a su resultado.Abstract: In the present work I would like to advance the idea that while “interculturality” has become a buzzword within the social movements and governmental fields, its actual boundaries are constantly contested given its transformative and questioning nature. This reflection draws on the failed attempt at creating the Intercultural University of Yucatan. With information collected from different sources (interviews, participant observation and events reported on newspapers) I undertake the analysis of the complex interface between different social actors, their own ideas about interculturality and the historical and political contexts where their actions take place. My contention in this paper is that, in order to assess interculturalization of specific projects, attention should be equally paid to both the process of construction and negotiation and to the final outcomes of those projects.Résumé : Dans cet article, j’avance que, bien que « interculturalité » soit devenu un terme à la mode au sein des mouvements sociaux et des institutions gouvernementales, son contenu réel est cependant l’objet de nombreuses disputes et négociations, ceci à cause de sa nature transformative et interrogatrice. Le point de départ de cet exposé est la tentative manquée de création d’une université interculturelle dans l’état de Yucatán. Grâce à l’information obtenue de différentes sources (entrevues, observation participante et notes journalistiques), est présenté ici un exercice d’analyse de l’interface complexe entre les différents acteurs sociaux, leurs propres définitions au sujet de l’interculturalité et les contextes historiques et politiques d’où ils tirent leur origine. Une des idées principales proposées ici est que, pour évaluer l’interculturalisation de ces types de projets, il est indispensable de prêter attention autant à leur processus d’élaboration et de négociation qu’au résultat même.

scholarly journals La acción colectiva feminista. ¿De la lucha de clases a la lucha de géneros? El caso Ni Una Menos

2018 ◽  
pp. 95-128
Author(s):  
Luis Carlos Castro Riaño
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Queer Theory ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Social Mobilization ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
Action Collective ◽  
Decolonial Feminism ◽  
Materialist Feminism ◽  
Movimientos Sociales

En este artículo se propone una explicación factible de los movimientos sociales contemporáneos, considerando la acción colectiva feminista del caso argentino “Ni Una Menos” y cuatro componentes visibles en ella: el estructural, el político, el estratégico y el cultural. Para ello, se incorpora perspectivas de diferentes teorías sobre la movilización social; se revisa los postulados centrales del feminismo materialista francés, la teoría queer y el feminismo decolonial, y se reflexiona sobre las estrategias de la movilización, los repertorios de acción y los marcos de la movilización, con énfasis en las gramáticas de la vida pública implementadas en tales marcos. El texto tiene el objetivo de reforzar el vínculo entre la comprensión y la práctica de la protesta social.Palabras clave: Movimientos sociales, Acción colectiva, Esquemas de interpretación, Gramáticas de la vida pública  Feminist collective action. From the class struggle to the gender struggle? The case Ni una menosSummaryIn this article a feasible explanation of contemporary social movements is proposed, considering the feminist collective action of the Argentine case "Ni Una Menos" and four visible components in it: the structural, the political, the strategic and the cultural. For this, perspectives of different theories on social mobilization are incorporated; the central postulates of French materialist feminism, the queer theory and decolonial feminism are reviewed, and the strategies of mobilization, action repertoires and mobilization frameworks are explored, with emphasis on the grammars of public life implemented in such frames. The text aims to strengthen the link between understanding and the practice of social protest.Keywords: Social movements, Collective action, Schemes of interpretation, Grammar of public life. L’action collective féministe. De la lutte des classes à la lutte des genres? Le cas de Ni una Menos RésuméDans cet article, nous proposons une explication viable des mouvements sociaux contemporains, en considérant l’action collective féministe du cas argentin “Ni una menos” et quatre composants visibles en elle: le structurel, le politique, le stratégique et le culturel. Pour cela, nous incorporons les perspectives de différentes théories sur la mobilisation sociale; nous révisons les postulats centraux du féminisme matérialiste français, la théorie queer et le féminisme décolonial et nous réfléchissons sur les stratégies de mobilisation, les registres d’action et les cadres de la mobilisation, avec une emphase sur les grammaires de la vie publique mises en œuvre dans ces cadres. Le texte a pour objectif de renforcer le lien entre la compréhension et la pratique de la protestation sociale.Mots-clés: Mouvements sociaux, Action collective, Schémas d’interprétation, Grammaires de la vie publique

Voices and Visions from the Streets: Gender Interests and Political Participation among Women Informal Traders in Latin America

1995 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maureen Hays-Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Reproduction ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Family Survival ◽  
Informal Traders

The extreme social and economic crisis affecting most Latin American countries has precipitated the expansion of a vast network of collective social movements as a means to cope with the increasing difficulty of life throughout the region. This paper is an examination of the collective struggle of women informal traders as they challenge, through workplace politics, the Peruvian state to address issues of family survival and social reproduction. Although the hierarchical and patriarchal structure of the street-trader union movement limits women's participation, a ‘critical consciousness’ has developed among women traders both in the rank-and-file and in low-level leadership positions which utilizes both direct and subtle strategies to influence the course of union politics. It is argued that the actions of these ‘grass-roots feminists’ to address their practical gender interests presupposes a commitment to strategic gender interests. Hence, their activism not only recasts Molyneux's gender-interest model but also transcends the artificial bifurcation that falsely characterizes the Latin American feminist movement. The experiences of women traders in Peru suggest that women's agency in social movements, such as informal sector trade unions, is introducing new ways of organizing social relations and political activity as it transforms entrenched and hegemonic meanings of politics, influence, and power.

scholarly journals Social Movements and Institutional Selectivity

1996 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Wisler ◽  
Marco G. Giugni
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
General Setting ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Institutional Selectivity ◽  
Movement Type ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures ◽  
The Relationship

Contrary to what is usually implied by work on the relationship between political opportunity structures and social movements, political institutions are not a general setting offering or denying formal access and political opportunities to every challenge, but rather favor certain types of movements and constrain others. This process of institutional selectivity depends on the relationship between the structure of a given political institution and the movement type and defines social movements as pro-institutional, counter-institutional, or neutral. Accordingly, variation in the movements' action repertoire and degree of success can be observed. Yet, political institutions leave the door open to different interpretations by social actors so that a framing struggle takes place; at stake is the fit between movement demands and the structure of political institutions. The argument is developed through the example of federalism and its impact on two types of movements—namely, regionalist and squatters' movements—and illustrated by discussing their fate in France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Empirical data suggest that institutional selectivity is to be taken into account to reach a better understanding of the relationship between social movements and their political context.

scholarly journals Resurrection of the Dead, Exaltation of the New Struggles

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery R. Webber
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Social Reproduction ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
Resurrection Of The Dead ◽  
Marxist Approach ◽  
The Dead ◽  
Class Struggles

Abstract This ‘editorial perspective’ offers reflection on Marxist theory in the narrow domain of social movements and social-movement studies. It offers a brief survey of international class struggles over the last few decades to situate the discussion. It then focuses on the problem of capitalism for social-movement studies, and the particular issue of capitalist totality. It argues that an expansive, processual, historical and temporal conception of class struggle needs to be at the centre of any adequate Marxist approach to social movements, and shows why and how this is so by delving into some contemporary debates over dominant forms of collective action – strike and riot. It also highlights the dialectical relations between production, reproduction and social reproduction, and how the latest revivals of Marxist feminism might guide us through the morass. Finally, it suggests that struggles across these interrelated domains can be linked through an ‘infrastructure of dissent’.

Negotiating authoritarianism and its limits: Worker-led collective bargaining in Guangdong Province

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chloé Froissart
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Guangdong Province ◽  
Power Balance ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Practical Reality ◽  
The Right

Contrary to some scholars’ assertions, worker-led collective bargaining has become a practical reality in China, especially as seen in Guangdong Province between 2011 and 2015. This article analyses the practices and strategies of negotiation to show how this is possible in a regime that recognizes neither independent trade unions nor the right to strike. Labour NGOs have become a catalyst for collective action that enables workers to change the power balance with employers, official unions and local authorities and alter their response to labour conflicts. This article thus challenges the concept of ‘bargained authoritarianism’ by stressing social actors’ ability to carve out a space for negotiating authoritarianism despite obvious limits and tightening political constraints. However, collective bargaining will remain ad hoc and localized as long as trade unions and local authorities refuse to strike a durable alliance with workers and labour NGOs.

scholarly journals Workers Versus Austerity: The Origins of Ontario’s 1995-1998 ‘Days of Action’

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1 / 2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Kellogg
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Full Time ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Current Period ◽  
Mouvements Sociaux ◽  
Institutional Experience ◽  
Services Sociaux ◽  
Economic Collapse

The Great Recession has left in its wake an expected “age of austerity” where deficits accumulated to stave off economic collapse, are being addressed through steep cuts to government spending, with profound implications for social services and public sector employment. In an earlier era of austerity, eleven mass strikes and enormous demonstrations swept through the major cities of Ontario. This Days of Action movement – which has real relevance for the current period – began in the fall of 1995, continued through all of 1996 and 1997, and came to an end in 1998. This article, part of a larger research project, focuses on the movement’s origins. Two themes shape the overall project: the relation between social movements “outside” the workplace and union struggles themselves; and the relationship between the energetic inexperience of newly-active union members, and the pessimistic institutional experience embodied in a quite developed layer of full-time union officials. It is the former – the dialectic between social movements and trade unions in the Days of Action, that will be the focus of this article. La Grande récession a donné naissance, comme on pouvait s’y attendre, à une « ère de l’austérité » où les déficits accumulés pour contrer l’effondrement économique sont pris en charge via des coupes brutales dans les dépenses des États, avec des répercussions majeures pour les services sociaux et l’emploi dans le secteur public. Durant une période d’austérité précédente, onze grèves de masse et des manifestations monstres se sont succédées dans les principales villes de l’Ontario. Ce mouvement des Journées d’action – qui est tout à fait pertinent dans la période actuel – a débuté à l’automne 1995, s’est poursuivi durant les années 1996 et 1997, pour se terminer en 1998. Cet article, une composante d’un projet de recherche plus vaste, met l’accent sur les origines du mouvement. Deux thèmes traversent l’ensemble du projet: les rapports entre les mouvements sociaux situés hors des lieux de travail et les luttes syndicales, et les liens entre l’inexpérience énergique des syndiqués à l’implication récente et l’expérience institutionnelle et pessimiste incarnée dans une couche bien développée de responsables syndicaux à temps plein. C’est la première des deux relations, la dialectique entre les mouvements sociaux et les syndicats dans les Journées d’action, qui sera l’objet du présent article.

We are “the Resistance”: Predictors and consequences of self-categorization into the emerging movement to oppose Trump

2020 ◽  
pp. 136843022097475
Author(s):  
Samuel Hansen Freel ◽  
Rezarta Bilali ◽  
Erin Brooke Godfrey
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Longitudinal Study ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Efficacy Beliefs ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Identity Consolidation

In a three-wave longitudinal study conducted in the first 100 days of Trump’s presidency, this paper examines how people come to self-categorize into the emerging social movement “the Resistance,” and how self-categorization into this movement influences future participation in collective action and perceptions of the movement’s efficacy. Conventional collective action (e.g., protest, lobby legislators)—but not persuasive collective action (e.g., posting on social media)—and perceived identity consolidation efficacy of the movement at Wave 1 predicted a higher likelihood of self-categorization into the movement 1 month later (Wave 2) and 2 months later (Wave 3). Self-categorization into the Resistance predicted two types of higher subsequent movement efficacy perceptions, and helped sustain the effects of conventional collective action and movement efficacy beliefs at Wave 1 on efficacy beliefs at Wave 3. Implications for theory and future research on emerging social movements are discussed.

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