scholarly journals В поисках выхода из политического кризиса в Калмыцком ханстве: организация убийства Нитар-Дорджи в 1725 г.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-247
Author(s):  
Vladimir T. Tepkeev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Archive ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
The Republic

Introduction. The article deals with the 1725 assassination of Nitar-Dorji, a significant political event in the Kalmyk Khanate’s history that so far has not been investigated in detail. The article aims at introducing new archival material devoted to the period of Kalmyk Khan Tseren-Donduk’ rule (1724–1735). The database of the research is formed of the material kept in the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia, fonds I-36. In particular, ”Zhurnal po kalmytskim delam” (A Journal of Kalmyk Affairs) includes reports and messages of A. P. Volynsky, the Astrakhan governor, under the title ”Quarrels and Feuds that took place between Kalmyk owners”. Results. Nitar-Dorji’s anti-Russian actions, such as beating of the translator V. Bakunin, threats to assassinate Volynsly, his plans to escape to Kuban, etc. were the reasons that provoked his murder. Conclusion. Its organization involved participants at every level, while the act itself was seen as the least harmful method of solving the political crisis in the Kalmyk Khanate. Nitar-Dorji’s assassination was initiated by the Kalmyk side, while the Astrakhan governor was not wholly against his arrest. Dosang advocated the ”neutralization” of his rebellious younger brother, because the taishi himself was seeking to repair his relations with the Russian government and with Tseren-Donduk’s party who insisted on using military power to solve the conflict between the Kalmyk taishi.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

scholarly journals Albania Between the Crisis of the Parliamentary Dialectic and the Dominant Role of the Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Considerable Controversy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021

scholarly journals NON-ARMED CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY AFRICAN UNION

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (01) ◽  
pp. 51-67
Author(s):  
Rakotondrasoa Helinjiva
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Union ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Deductive Method ◽  
The Republic

Africa is a continent devastated by conflicts and wars of all kinds. After being colonized for more than a century, African countries have sought solutions to solve the problems between them. They thus found their own organization which is the African Union with mixed commissions. The latter, besides dealing with the economic development of African countries, also deal with the management and resolution of armed and non- armed conflicts in the continent. Among these armed conflicts resolved by the African Union is the political crisis in Madagascar in 2009. The resolution of the conflict in Madagascar, despite its very successful appearance conceals some inconveniences for the Malagasy population and the Republic of Madagascar. This paper will demonstrate how the African Union regulates non-weapon conflicts in Africa, including the case of Madagascar, and explain the failures and successes of managing the crisis there. It aims to analyze the problems encountered in the resolution of a conflict, especially internal. Liberalism, more precisely, institutional liberalism is the theoretical framework of this study. To dig deeper into this paper, the research design utilized is the qualitative method with a deductive method. Data collection comes from primary data like books, reviews, reports, newspapers, etc.

scholarly journals KRISIS POLITIK DI KALIMANTAN BARAT 1950: SUATU PROSES MENUJU INTEGRASI KE DALAM REPUBLIK INDONESIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 225
Author(s):  
Mohammad Rikaz Prabowo ◽  
Aman Aman
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Committee ◽  
The West ◽  
West Kalimantan ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
General Strike ◽  
Special Region

This event was based on the background of competition between political groups after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty on December 27, 1949, namely the pro-integration groups into the Republik of Indonesia through the West Kalimantan National Committee (KNKB), with those who wanted to maintain the status of the Special Region of West Kalimantan (DIKB) within the framework of a systemized Federal RIS. This competition resulted in a political crisis that affected the entire province. The republicans in the KNKB demanden the DIKB Government that West Kalimantan be part of the Republic of Indonesia. This desire was responded coldly, even though the DIKB figures rejected the entry of the TNI. This sparked demonstration that led to the arrest of republicans and a general strike which resulted in a political crisis. The political crisis subsided after the arrival of the RIS and DPR-RIS Commissioners. The arrest of Sultan Hamid II on April 5 1950 paralyzed DIKB and accelerated joining the Republic of Indonesia.

The Holy See and Czechoslovakia 1945—1948 in the Context of the Nascent Cold War

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8 (106)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Emilia Hrabovec
Keyword(s):  
International Perspective ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
Holy See ◽  
The Republic ◽  
To Come ◽  
Post War ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Second World

The spectre of Communist expansion as a result of the Second World War represented for Pope Pius XII one of the greatest concerns. The unambiguously pro-Soviet orientation of the Czechoslovak government in exile and the crucial influence of Communists in the inner architecture of the restored state convinced the Holy See that Czechoslovakia was already in 1945 fully absorbed into the Soviet sphere of influence. This fact strengthened the Pope’s conviction of the necessity to resume relations with Prague as soon as possible and to send a nuncio there who would provide reliable information and protect the interests of the Church threatened both by open persecution and by propaganda manoeuvres in favour of a “progressive Catholicism”. The importance of the relations with Czechoslovakia stood out also in the international perspective, in which Czechoslovakia, in contrast to Poland or Hungary, seemed to be the last observatory still accessible to the Vatican diplomacy in the whole East-Central Europe. The year 1947 represented a caesura in the relations between the Holy See and Czechoslovakia. In the international context, this year was generally perceived by the Vatican as a definitive reinforcement of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. In the Czechoslovak framework, the greatest importance was ascribed to the political crisis in Slovakia in autumn 1947, during which the Communists definitively took over the political power in Slovakia. The lost struggle over the predominantly Catholic Slovakia, that for some time had been considered by the Vatican one of very few hopes for the defence of Christian interests in the Republic, was perceived by the Holy See as a dominant breakthrough on the way to the total Communist transformation of Czechoslovakia. While in the immediate post-war period the Holy See had tried to come to terms with Czechoslovakia also at the price of some compromises, in winter 1947/1948 the last hopes for a diplomatic solution vanished and were replaced by the conviction that in the confrontation with Communism not diplomatic, but spiritual weapons — prayer, testimony, martyrdom — were of crucial importance.

The Republic after Berlusconi: Some reflections on historiography, politics and the political use of history in post-1994 Italy

Modern Italy ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni Orsina
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

The Italian political crisis of 1993–1994 and the new political dynamics to which it gave rise, and which persist today, have strongly shaped both public debate and historiographical reflection on the Italian Republic. This article assesses the impact of the political changes of the post-1994 period (and notably Berlusconi's entry into politics) on the debate over the so-called First Republic, with regard to: Italian national identity in the post-Fascist period; the functioning of the political system, especially in relation to the role of the political parties; anti-Fascism and its internal divisions; communism and anti-communism.

Political parties of the “new” subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District on the eve of the start of a new electoral cycle

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-96
Author(s):  
B. Budaev ◽  
◽  
T. Badmatsyrenov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Federal District ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Financial Flows ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Far Eastern

The article examines the main features of the development of regional party systems in the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory. The authors’ attention is drawn to the conditions for the development of the political system of these regions on the eve of their entry into the Far Eastern Federal District. From the point of view of the authors, the process of transition of the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory was determined not only by the desire to increase the number of residents of the Far Eastern Federal District, but also by the desire to reverse the deteriorating political situation in the regions of Eastern Siberia. The drop in the ratings of regional heads, the weakening of the positions of the regional branches of the parties in power, against the background of the crisis in the economy, all this as a whole reduced the possibilities of managing the region from the federal center. The transition of the regions to the Far Eastern Federal District was to be supported by new financial injections, which was supposed to stabilize the regional party systems. In this situation, it becomes interesting how close the regional party systems of the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory are, how close they are to the electoral indicators of the Far Eastern Federal District. The solution of what internal problems are typical for them will contribute to the effective development of regional party systems on the ground. The authors note that in the Republic of Buryatia and the Transbaikal Territory, regional branches of the parties in power on the eve of the “transition” experienced a serious political crisis. This circumstance was actively used by the opposition, which managed to increase its influence in regional parliaments. At the same time, the leaders of the opposition put at the forefront not party interests, but personal ones. Partized in the early 2000 the regional political system, again began to return to the system of patronage-client relations, built on mutual benefit. The party system of the regions began to slowly degrade. The transfer of subjects to the Far Eastern Federal District should help to stabilize the local party system. The new heads of regions, who managed to straddle financial flows, managed to consolidate the political elite around themselves and build relatively stable, even relations with the opposition

scholarly journals Belarus: Political Situation after the Presidential Elections

2021 ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
S. Astakhova
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Recent History ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic

The political crisis in Belarus is connected with the society’s demand for change. The main reason for the mass protests after the presidential elections was the lack of confidence in the electoral system of the republic. The recent history of the republic has not yet known such an intense and long protest marathon. Nevertheless by the beginning of 2021, the protest potential was almost exhausted. In the republic, the preparation of a constitutional reform for the implementation of the transit of power has begun.

scholarly journals Russia’s reaction to the revolution in Belarus

2021 ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
A. Suzdaltsev
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Presidential Campaign ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Drivers ◽  
The Republic

The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.

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