States before relations: On misrecognition and the bifurcated regime of sovereignty

The symbolic structure of the international system, organised around sovereignty, is sustained by an institutional infrastructure that shapes how states seek sovereign agency. We investigate how the modern legal category of the state is an institutional expression of the idea of the state as a liberal person, dependent on a one-off recognition in establishing the sovereign state. We then discuss how this institutional rule coexists with the ongoing frustrated search for recognition in terms of sociopolitical registers. While the first set of rules establishes a protective shield against others, regardless of behaviour, the second set of rules specify rules for behaviour of statehood, which produces a distinct form of misrecognition. States are, at one level, already recognised as sovereign and are granted rights akin to individuals in liberal thought, and yet they are continually misrecognised in their quest to actualise the sovereign agency they associate with statehood. We draw on examples from two contemporary phenomena – fragile states, and assertions of non-interference and sovereignty from the populist right and non-Western great powers, to discuss the misrecognition processes embedded in the bifurcated symbolic structure of sovereignty, and its implications for debates about hierarchy and sovereignty in world affairs.

An Analysis of the Deterrent Effects of Disciplinary Segregation on Institutional Rule Violation Rates

In light of the limited resources available in the criminal justice system, and given the financial costs and inmate mental health risks associated with disciplinary segregation, the practice warrants testing and evaluation. Limited research exists on the effect disciplinary segregation has on subsequent inmate misconduct in state prisons. Institutional violation rates for a cohort of male inmates incarcerated by the Oregon Department of Corrections were analyzed. Controlling for other factors, the results of this study indicate that disciplinary segregation was not a significant predictor of subsequent institutional misconduct. The findings also indicate that the experience of disciplinary segregation does not reduce subsequent prison inmate misconduct and therefore suggest that it may not be an effective institutional practice. These results signal that disciplinary segregation should be used in a more judicious and informed manner and that further research should be performed to determine whether disciplinary segregation has a general deterrent effect.

Mutually agreed termination, job destruction and dismissals

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the implementation of a new open-ended contract termination in 2008 in France, called the rupture conventionnelle (RC), which is a mutually agreed contract termination. More precisely, this paper analyses first the impact of the RC on the employers’ termination decisions (termination or not?). Then it seeks to provide empirical evidence of a substitution between the RC and other contract terminations (if there is termination, what types?). Design/methodology/approach The approach is first empirical. The author uses two matched firms’ data sets: one relating to the movement of employees and other from accounting data from 2006 to 2009. Using a propensity score matching method, the author creates two similar (from observable characteristics) firms’ groups – those that used RC in 2009 and those not. The author compares the evolution of the employment decisions between the two groups between 2008 and 2009 in order to identify the specific effect of the RC in the user firms. Findings The results indicate that the introduction of the RC tends to increase workforce exits and does lead to much more job destruction in the user firms, i.e. job destruction would have been weaker in the user firms if the RC had not been implemented. Substitutions with dismissals for personal reasons and for economic reasons also may have appeared, albeit weakly. Originality/value The RC seems an important measure to make the labour market more flexible, especially in France where EPL is often criticize for its rigidities. But few studies analyse the consequences of this new institutional rule on firms’ behaviour and with firms’ data set. Then this paper provides first some understanding and assessment of the economic effects of the RC.

Studying Philanthropy and Fundraising in the Field of Higher Education

Colleges and universities are historic institutions in the U.S. that have sprung up since the founding of Harvard College in 1636. Though their evolution and development is quite simple, the involvement of numerous organizations and groups with philanthropy and higher education is quite complex. Utilizing resource dependency theory and institutional theory, this chapter reviews the historical, sociological, and organizational overview of the practices of philanthropy as it relates to American higher education. Two conceptual frameworks are developed and proposed by the author for teacher-scholars and advanced practitioners seeking to conduct formal research on institutional advancement in higher education. The paper argues that the fundraising professionals (e.g., board of trustees, the president, development officers) role on securing major resources and private gifts within the organization and field level is the result of coercion, imitation, and conformity to institutional rule, institutional isomorphism, and normatively based decision making in higher education.

Second-Generation Prisoners

The authors investigated whether prisoners who had a parent in prison, “second-generation prisoners,” had poorer rates of adjustment compared to those inmates who did not report a history of parental incarceration. Among a sample of 459 men and women in prison, approximately half reported having had a parent in prison or jail. There was considerable self-reported childhood adversity within the entire sample, with relatively higher levels reported by the second-generation prisoner group. Second-generation prisoners self-reported more anger and prison violence and demonstrated a greater presence of institutional rule breaking in comparison to first-generation prisoners. Results were maintained after statistical control for the high rates of adversities in childhood. Post hoc analysis revealed differences on adjustment variables between first-generation prisoners and individuals with a mother incarcerated or with both parents incarcerated, suggesting the pronounced impact of maternal incarceration on long-term well-being. Results indicate that the negative effects of parental incarceration are evident within the prison community and have a significant relationship to inmates’ adjustment while incarcerated.

Dynamics of Islam, identity, and institutional rule in Uzbekistan: Constructing a paradigm for conflict resolution

The “re-Islamization” of society in independent Uzbekistan has proven to be a complex process, generating conflict in the social, cultural and political spheres. Since the early 1990s, the regime of Islam Karimov has sought to undermine any manifestation of “unofficial” Islam via imprisonment of the leadership, implementation of repressive statutes governing religious activity, and other coercive means. Yet, since 1999 Uzbekistan has experienced more religious violence directed against government power structures by “extremists” than any other former Soviet republic in Central Asia. Important issues that should direct U.S. policy remain unresolved: How significant is the threat from radical Islam in Uzbekistan, that is, what are the chances of politicized, “fundamentalist” Islam emerging as a mass movement there? Has recent U.S. policy reduced or exacerbated the dynamics of conflict between the regime and the “radicals?” In order to effect resolution of this conflict, a new paradigm must be implemented in U.S.–Uzbek relations which moves the Uzbek regime toward democratization, while maintaining social stability. In addition, politicized Islam, in a non-radicalized form, should also figure into any policy strategy directed at long-term stability in Uzbekistan.

Southern Democrats in the U.S. House of Representatives. By Stanley P. Berard. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2001. 250p. $22.95.

The rise of partisanship in Congress has been one of the most conspicuous features of American politics during the 1990s. David Rohde's (1991) Parties and Leaders in the PostReform House demonstrated that much of this rise in partisanship could be attributed to the convergence in congressional voting between Northern and Southern Democrats. Since the New Deal, the latter had traditionally allied with Republicans on many issues in a bipartisan conservative coalition that generally dominated both Houses of Congress and constrained liberal legislative outcomes. While Rohde and Barbara Sinclair (Legislators, Leaders and Lawmaking, 1995) have emphasized how institutional rule changes in the 1970s created a much greater incentive for party loyalty among member of Congress, relatively little attention has been paid to the extent to which enhanced partisanship in Congress has been driven by “bottom-up” electoral imperatives. Stanley Berard's new book on Southern Democrats in the House convincingly shows that major changes in the southern electoral environment were equally important in promoting convergence in the voting records of Northern and Southern Democrats, leading to a more partisan House overall.