Intergroup threat and affective polarization in a multi-party system

What explains affective polarization among voters and societal groups? Much of the existing literature focusing on mass political polarization in modern democracies originates in the US, where studies have shown that, while ideological separation has grown, political conflict increasingly reflects social identity divisions rather than policy disagreements, resulting in affective polarization. We focus on explaining such polarization in a multi-party context. Drawing on social identity theory and intergroup threat theory, we hypothesize that individuals who perceive an intergroup threat show stronger intergroup differentiation and increased affective polarization. We analyze the influence of perceived threat on affective polarization drawing on two large-scale representative surveys in Sweden (N = 1429 and 1343). We show that individual-level affective polarization is related to perceived intergroup threats among the voters in both studies, measuring affective polarization using social distance, negative trait attribution, and party like-dislike ratings.

Facial width-to-height (fWHR) revisited

To investigate peoples' trait attribution biases, we asked participants to generate faces of "bad guys" and "good guys" using three methods: free drawings, photo-editing, and feature assembly. In referring to research linking facial width (relative to height, fWHR) with aggressive and dominant personality traits in males, we compared fWHR displayed in the generated portraits between the two character types . We found that participants modelled emotional expressions (in particular, expression of anger and fear/friendliness), but not fWHR per se, to portray character trait. When emotional expressions were statistically controlled for, no difference in fWHR between "bad guys" and "good guys" remained. We conclude that emotion overgeneralization is a strong confound in research on fWHR.

Red shape, blue shape: political ideology influences the social perception of body shape

Political elections have a profound impact on individuals and societies. Optimal voting is thought to be based on informed and deliberate decisions yet, it has been demonstrated that the outcomes of political elections are biased by the perception of candidates’ facial features and the stereotypical traits voters attribute to these. Interestingly, political identification changes the attribution of stereotypical traits from facial features. This study explores whether the perception of body shape elicits similar effects on political trait attribution and whether these associations can be visualized. In Experiment 1, ratings of 3D body shapes were used to model the relationship between perception of 3D body shape and the attribution of political traits such as ‘Republican’, ‘Democrat’, or ‘Leader’. This allowed analyzing and visualizing the mental representations of stereotypical 3D body shapes associated with each political trait. Experiment 2 was designed to test whether political identification of the raters affected the attribution of political traits to different types of body shapes. The results show that humans attribute political traits to the same body shapes differently depending on their own political preference. These findings show that our judgments of others are influenced by their body shape and our own political views. Such judgments have potential political and societal implications.

Can music reduce national prejudice? A test of a cross-cultural musical education programme

This study examined the impact of a cross-cultural musical program on young Portuguese adolescents’ national prejudice. Two-hundred and twenty-nine sixth-grade pupils who attended public schools in the area of Lisbon, Portugal, were first presented with two tasks measuring national prejudice: a trait attribution task comprising positive and negative personality traits, and an overall affective evaluation of in-group and out-group people. Half of the pupils were subsequently exposed, at school, to a six-month musical program that included Cape Verdean songs as well as Portuguese songs. The other half was exposed to the usual program, which comprised no songs from Cape Verde but included all the Portuguese songs. Measures of national prejudice taken at the end of the program showed that the impact of the program was specific. In the experimental group, prejudice towards Cape Verdean people was reduced whereas attitudes to other groups were not altered (Portuguese and Brazilian). In the control group no reduction for any group was observed. Measures taken three months later showed that the impact of the experimental program was enduring.