The Roles of Sex and Minority Status in Children’s Motivation and Psychomotor Learning

In this study, we had two inter-related goals: (a) to examine sex and minority status differences on children’s motivation for physical education (PE; i.e., their expectancy beliefs, subjective task values, and situational interest) and their psychomotor learning outcomes (i.e., motor competence, cardiorespiratory fitness, and in-class physical activity); and (b) to examine the relationships between children’s motivation and their psychomotor learning outcomes while testing the moderation effects of sex and minority status. We recruited 195 fourth and fifth-grade students (101 boys; 94 girls; Mage = 10.7, SD = 0.7 years) from three elementary schools in North Texas. Using multivariate analysis of variance, we identified a significant sex difference that favored boys in motivation and psychomotor learning outcomes, with no significant minority status difference in relation to these variables. Regression analysis revealed that children’s expectancy beliefs were significantly associated with both motor competence ( R2 = 11%) and cardiorespiratory fitness ( R2 = 16%), while both situational interest and sex were associated with in-class physical activity ( R2 = 18%). Thus, improving children’s expectancy beliefs may be a means of enhancing psychomotor learning outcomes in PE, especially for girls. Enhancing children’s beliefs in their own ability and offering diversified PE content so as to generate greater interest may facilitate psychomotor learning.

“When will it be over?” U.S. children’s questions and parents’ responses about the COVID-19 pandemic

Parent-child conversations are important for children’s cognitive development, children’s ability to cope with stressful events, and can shape children’s beliefs about the causes of illness. In the context of a global pandemic, families have faced a multitude of challenges, including changes to their routines, that they need to convey to their children. Thus, parent-child conversations about the coronavirus pandemic might convey information about the causes of illness, but also about how and why it is necessary for children to modify their behaviors to comply with new social norms and medical guidance. The main goal of this study was to examine the questions children ask about the COVID-19 pandemic and how parents answer them. This survey included responses from a national sample of 349 predominantly white parents of children between the ages of 3 and 12 recruited through Amazon’s Mechanical Turk in United States. Parents reported that although children asked about COVID-19 and its causes (17.3%), children asked primarily about lifestyle changes that occurred as a result of the pandemic (24.0%) and safety (18.4%). Parents reported answering these questions by emphasizing that the purpose of different preventative measures was to protect the child (11.8%) or the family (42.7%) and providing reassurance (13.3%). Many parents discussed how it was their social responsibility to slow the spread of the virus (38.4%). Parents of younger children tended to shield them from information about COVID-19 (p = .038), while parents with more knowledge were more likely to provide explanations (p < .001). Our analysis shows that families not only discuss information about the virus but also information about changes to their lifestyle, preventative measures, and social norms.

How Children’s Media and Teachers Communicate Exclusive and Essentialist Views of Science and Scientists

Language that uses noun labels and generic descriptions to discuss people who do science (e.g., “Let’s be scientists! Scientists discover new things”) signals to children that scientists are a distinctive category. This identity-cuing language promotes essentialist beliefs and leads to disengagement from science among young children in experimental contexts. The extent to which these cues shape the development of children’s beliefs and behaviors in daily life, however, depends on (a) the availability of identity-based language in children’s environments, and (b) the power of these cues to shape beliefs over time, even in the noisier, more variable contexts in which children are exposed to them. Documenting the availability of this language, linguistic coding of children’s media (Study 1) and prekindergarten teachers’ classroom language (Study 2; n = 103; 98 female, 1 male, 4 unknown; 66% White, 8% African American, 6% Asian/Asian American, 3% Mixed/Biracial; 21% of the sample, of any race, identified as Hispanic/Latinx), confirmed that identity-cuing language was the most common form of science language in these two contexts. Further, children (Study 3; n = 83; Mage = 5.07 years; 43 female, 40 male; 64% White, 12% Asian/Asian American, 24% Mixed/Biracial; 36% of the sample, of any race, identified as Hispanic/Latinx) who were exposed to less identity-focused language from their teachers developed increasingly inclusive beliefs about science and indicated higher levels of science engagement over time. These findings suggest that linguistic input is an important mechanism through which exclusive beliefs about science are conveyed to children in daily life.

Parents’ Beliefs about Their Influence on Children’s Scientific and Religious Views: Perspectives from Iran, China and the United States

Parents in Iran, China and the United States were asked 1) about their potential influence on their children’s religious and scientific views and 2) to consider a situation in which their children expressed dissent. Iranian and US parents endorsed their influence on the children’s beliefs in the two domains. By contrast, Chinese parents claimed more influence in the domain of science than religion. Most parents spoke of influencing their children via Parent-only mechanisms in each domain (e.g., discussion, teaching), although US parents did spontaneously note Multiple sources for the transmission of religious views (e.g., church, other influential adults). Parents proposed a similar stance towards children’s dissenting religious and scientific views. Chinese and US parents were more likely to express Supportive approaches and Iranian parents were more likely to express a Directive approach by comparison. The present research informs our understanding of the cultural transmission of views about science and religion.

Children’s Beliefs about Pain: An Exploratory Analysis

Functional abdominal pain (FAP) is one of the most common childhood medical complaints, associated with significant distress and impairment. Little is known about how children understand their pain. Do they attribute it to personal weakness? Do they perceive pain as having global impact, affecting a variety of activities? How do they cope with pain? We explored the pain beliefs of 5- to 9-year-old children with FAP using a novel Teddy Bear Interview task in which children answered questions about a Teddy bear’s pain. Responses were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively. Results indicate that the majority of young children with FAP are optimistic about pain outcomes. Children generated many types of coping strategies for Teddy’s pain and adjusted their calibration of Teddy’s pain tolerance dependent on the activity being performed. Early warning signs also emerged: a subset of children were pessimistic about Teddy’s pain, and several children identified coping strategies that, while developmentally appropriate, could lead to excessive help seeking if not intervened upon (e.g., physician consultation and shot). The Teddy Bear Interview allows children to externalize their pain, making it a useful tool to access cognitive pain constructs in younger children. Thus, these findings highlight the importance of early intervention for childhood FAP.

Children’s Beliefs about Possibility Differ Across Dreams, Stories, and Reality

Are children’s judgments about what can happen in dreams and stories constrained by their beliefs about reality? This question was explored across three experiments, in which 469 4- to 7-year-olds judged whether improbable and impossible events could occur in a dream, a story, or reality. In Experiment 1, children judged events more possible in dreams than in reality. In Experiment 2, children also judged events more possible in dreams than in stories. Both experiments also suggested that children’s beliefs about reality constrain their judgments about dreams and stories. Finally, in Experiment 3 children were asked about impossible events more typical of dreams and stories. In contrast with the other experiments, children now affirmed the events could happen in these worlds.

Beliefs about unobservable scientific and religious entities are transmitted via subtle linguistic cues in parental testimony

We explored the role of parental testimony in the development of young children’s beliefs in the ontological status of typically unobservable phenomena. US parents and their 5- to 7-year-old children (N = 25 dyads) separately rated their confidence in the existence of scientific and religious unobservable entities (e.g., germs, angels), and were invited to engage in an unmoderated dyadic conversation about the entities. Both parents and children were more confident in the existence of the scientific entities compared to the religious entities. Parental religiosity significantly predicted the strength of their belief in the religious entities, and these beliefs were positively associated with their children’s ontological judgements in the religious domain. We coded parental testimony during the unmoderated conversation for a number of subtle linguistic cues that convey their confidence and prevailing beliefs in an entity’s existence. The results revealed consistent cross-domain differences: parents expressed more uncertainty, were more likely to mention variation in people’s beliefs and make explicit claims about the ontological status of the religious, as compared to the scientific entities. However, parents who were more religious produced fewer cues to uncertainty, mentioned belief variation less often when talking about the religious unobservables, and, when discussing ontological status, were more likely to explicitly affirm their existence. Importantly, the pattern of linguistic cues in parental testimony was significantly associated with children’s ontological judgements. The present findings have implications for understanding the socio-cultural mechanisms by which confidence in the existence of invisible agents and processes develops in childhood.