financial contributions
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2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 197-224
Author(s):  
Tom Nickson

This article examines the architectural patronage of King Alfonso X and the notion of a ‘Court Style’ in thirteenth-century Gothic architecture. Following brief consideration of problems of evidence, I briefly sketch common characteristics of the architectural patronage of Alfonso’s royal rivals and allies across Europe and the Iberian Peninsula. This prompts reassessment of the king’s relationships with mendicant and Cistercian orders, and then detailed consideration of his financial contributions to the cathedrals of Toledo, Burgos and León. Although royal heraldry and imagery is prominent in all three cathedrals, I argue that Alfonso probably did not play a significant role in promoting rayonnant architecture in his kingdom. The most distinctive feature of his patronage lies in his support for work on the converted mosque-cathedrals of Seville and especially Córdoba. Finally, I consider a number of projects associated with Alfonso in Seville, notably the Gothic palace in the Alcázar.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dongnyoung Kim ◽  
Inchoel Kim ◽  
Thomas M. Krueger ◽  
Omer Unsal

PurposeThis article aims to examine the influence of chief executive officer (CEO) internal political beliefs on labor relations. Prior research has paid little attention to channels through which the internal personal value system of managers enhances or deteriorates firm value. The authors provide evidence consistent with CEOs adopting labor policies impacting incumbent management–labor relationships based upon their political ideologies.Design/methodology/approachThe research design tests the impact of CEO political ideology on labor relation using an individual CEO’s personal information and firm affiliation, employee lawsuit information, financial contributions to candidates and committees, and firm financial information. The authors compiled a sample of 4,354 unique CEOs from 2,558 US firms that are covered by ExecuComp and used 18,404 firm-year observations for the study’s analysis. A Heckman two-stage estimation process is used to address a potential sample selection bias and match the requirements of exclusion and relevance criteria.FindingsFindings indicate that firms led by Republican-leaning CEOs are more likely to be sued by their employees, especially for violating union rights. Moreover, the findings of the study uncovered that Republican-leaning CEOs have fewer cases dismissed or withdrawn compared to Democrat-leaning CEOs and are also less likely to settle court cases prior to trial. Results indicate that Republican-leaning CEOs are associated with more substantial decreases in firm value compared to Democrat-leaning CEOs when facing labor allegations. The authors further show that firm value is lower for all firms facing litigation, with the magnitude of the decrease being more pronounced for firms with Republican CEOs.Research limitations/implicationsFirm affiliations are identified using ExecuComp, employee lawsuit information from the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), financial contributions to candidates and committees from the Federal Election Committee (FEC) website, and financial information from Compustat. To the extent that these websites are inaccurate, such as financial contributions being underreported, the findings reported here may understate the relationships reported in this article.Practical implicationsThe authors capture CEO political ideology using political contributions. There may be other means, such as physical space and personal effort, by which one could also estimate the party and intensity of CEO political ideology. This information is unavailable.Social implicationsWhile presidential politics has four-year cycles, managerial finance is a daily activity. While political affiliation is most clearly measurable through monetary contributions, one can see implications of manager political leaning through their relationship with labor throughout the election cycle.Originality/valueThe analyses of this study indicate that labor unions are more likely to sponsor lawsuits and stronger allegations in firms with Republican CEOs and show that withdrawal, settlement or dismissal rates are lower when firms are managed by Republican managers, resulting in higher subsequent legal costs and potentially damaged employee morale. Also, this paper investigates whether lawsuits have a greater negative consequence on firm value when the firm is run by a Republican CEO. The authors find that lawsuits significantly lower Tobin's Q for Republican-led firms compared to companies with Democratic and apolitical CEOs. The authors further show that firm value is lower for all firms facing litigation, with the magnitude of the decrease being more pronounced for firms with Republican CEOs.


Author(s):  
Moeen Mostafavi ◽  
Maria Phillips ◽  
Yichen Jiang ◽  
Michael D. Porter ◽  
Paul Freedman

2020 ◽  
pp. 109-134
Author(s):  
Kapil Dev ◽  
Dipendra Nath Das ◽  
Sangeetha Esther

Climate Law ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 308-334
Author(s):  
Chrysa Alexandraki

Abstract This article examines the role of the Paris Agreement in enabling developed-country financial contributions aimed at building transparency-related capacity in developing countries. It first analyses the legal means and institutional arrangements utilized by the Agreement to support developing countries in building transparency-related capacity. It then argues that even though the Agreement adopts certain legal and institutional means to foster transparency-related capacity building in developing countries through financial support, it does so in a way that risks undermining the meaningful and accountable use of climate finance, while softening the bindingness of the Agreement’s provisions. The lack of accountability obligations on climate finance for developing countries, the principle of flexibility, and the challenges intrinsic to climate finance, combine to weaken the climate-finance obligation, while calling into question the effectiveness of the Agreement.


Author(s):  
Amaefula C. G ◽  
Umezurike C. M

The paper examines the aggregated financial contributions of industrial and services sector output on the economic growth of Nigeria using ARDL model. The data sets on gross domestic product (GDP) and industrial and services sector output (measured in billions of naira) cover the period of 1981 to 2019. The ADF unit root test was used to test the order of integration of the variables under study. Applying Generalized Linear Model (Newton-Raphson) method of estimation, the results showed that both the industrial sector (IND) and services sector (SERV) contributed positively to GDP growth both at the short-run and long-run, significant under 5% level and the system is adjusting towards long-run equilibrium at the speed of approximately 102%. Therefore, the government should put more effort in industrial and services sector reforms so as to make these sectors more proactive at improving economic growth in Nigeria. KEYWORDS: Industry, services sector, economic growth, ARDL


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