Pro-Russian parties in Ukrainian party system in terms of linguistic constructivism

Since Ukraine gaining independence in 1991, parties supporting close cooperation with the Russian Federation have been an integral part of the Ukrainian political scene. Nevertheless, after the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of Crimea and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, it would seem that their influence will steadily decline. Nevertheless, the recent parliamentary election shows a reverse tendency, and the Opposition Platform - For Life, political party founded in 2018, headed by former members of the Party of Regions and persons closely connected to Vladimir Putin, managed to defeat national-democratic parties. In this paper, the Author tries to answer the question, using the theory of linguistic constructivism, how the Opposition Platform - For Life is regaining its influence in the new political reality in Ukraine, analyzing the genesis of pro-Russian parties since independence, their political programs and narratives in the media environment, which were and are created by pro-Russian parties.

Institution of the ombudsman of a state language in Ukraine: Conditions, legal basis, activity

Thirty years after Ukraine regained independence, in many areas of social life, Ukrainian as the state language is still ignored, eliminated or marginalized. The state status for this language in the Ukrainian Constitution of 1996 did not grant it such a function due to the post-colonial domination of the Russian language, the post-Soviet legacy of non-compliance with the law and impunity in breaking the law. The annexation of Crimea and Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine, under the pretext of defending the Russian-speaking population, made the ruling elite and Ukrainian citizens aware of the importance of the language issue for state security and conditioned the need for institutional and legal protection of the Ukrainian language as a state language. The establishment of the institution of the ombudsman of the state language has become a new element in the legal system of Ukraine. The ombudsman's activity in the field of controlling the use of the state language, its protection, functioning and development is an effective instrument for the implementation of the state's language policy. The legal protection of the Ukrainian language as a state language and the establishment of the institution of the linguistic ombudsman is received positively by the majority of Ukrainian society. Criticism from pro-Russian circles and the Russian government shows how important role the language issue plays in the hybrid war with Russia.

Clientelism in the electoral process as a manifestation political corruption. Case of Ukraine

Authors consider political corruption and clientelism in the electoral process as destructive phenomena that violate the normal principle of society and artificially create obstacles within the political system. The understanding of clientelism by different authors as a component of political corruption, the conditions of its existence, as well as the consequences and influence on political power are analysed. Basing on the achievements of foreign scientists, the content and the essence of the concept of “electoral clientelism” is determined, the main reasons and preconditions of this phenomenon emergence are found, the authors’ own definition, summarizing the known scientific approaches, is offered. The devastating impact of clientelism on the electoral process that results in violating the principle of competition between political forces, and further leads to the development of corruption in the power system, is elucidated. Varieties of electoral clientelism in accordance with the tasks set by corrupt subjects of the electoral process in order to gain an advantage over opponents during the voting are found out. Apart from the approach, where electoral clientelism provides material benefits to voters, an approach, where the voters are constantly informed of the clientele character data, basing on which the unfair politicians create a mobilization campaign, is considered. The authors showed their own vision of the connection between electoral clientelism and political corruption manifested in the occupation of political positions by ineffective candidates and further use of their powers for private purposes, which will threaten the long-term prospects of social development. A number of ways to regulate clientelism’s impact on the electoral process, in particular through electronic voting introduction, established compulsory voting, agitation campaign financing control, severe penalties for clientele activity etc., are traced.

At the intersections of European diplomacy: Romania between the Central Bloc and the Entente (1914–1918)

The main tendencies of the development of the Kingdom of Romania during the First World War were analysed in this article. The stages of the diplomatic negotiations of the Romanian government with the countries of the Central Bloc and the Entente during 1914–1918 years are considered. Bucharest managed to take advantage of its own diplomatic balancing during the war, which was squeezed between the two military-political blocs. Thanks to its foreign policy strategy, the Romanian government had retained its sovereign right to the development and the acceptance of the most important decisions, and those which were touched of the upholding of the national interests of the state. Moreover, Romania managed to significantly expand its borders, which was possible due to the crisis and the destruction that was passed through Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire during 1917-1918 years. In the context of the foreign policy strategy of the kingdom during the World War, the «Bessarabian question» is partially covered and which role it played in the realization of the project of the creation of «Great Romania» by Bucharest. In addition, the certain reasons of the signing, the content and the consequences of the Bucharest peace treaty of 1918 year for the alignment of the forces in the Central European region at the final stage of the war were characterized. Ultimately, the authors state that the diplomatic balancing of the Romanian political leadership during the World War gave it the opportunity to gradually but steadily realize the project of the expansion of the state borders at the expense of the contiguous territories.

Public diplomacy in selected conceptual documents of the Russian Federation, in the period 1991-2016

2020 is the year of publication of a new military doctrine of the Russian Federation. The document will, undoubtedly, be received as an interesting object of analysis, expected to show not only direct intentions, but also the hinking patterns representative for the Russian political elites. It is, therefore, advisable to process the history of public diplomacy – the leading tool of building soft power – a long-standing component of Russian Federation’s capability, which due to the composition of determinants typical for the late-Westphalian international order gained an unprecedented level of meaning (or even can be seen as a leading factor). For these reasons, the author – after adopting a working definition – attempts to retrace the direct and indirect (implied) instances of including public diplomacy into the most important strategic documents and legal acts, issued by Russia in the years 1991-2016. The analysis shows the evolution of Russia’s political elites’ approach to all of the dimensions of public diplomacy (shift from superficial westernisation and a liberal discourse on the international order, through demonstrations of assertiveness, to a narrative adopotion of the role of one of the poles of the new international order), and provides insight into the composition of the political, social end economic determinants behind the transition. Also discussed are the shifts within the specifics of the methods of public diplomacy – such as the perception of the role of diaspora, or the link between image, economic diplomacy and economic development. These changes are presented on the background of the state of the international system, and the analysis is an addition to the extensive literature on the Russian Federation’s informational influence.

Prospects for decentralization in Ukraine: the experience of Poland

This article is an overview of local government reform processes in Ukraine. We focus on two key issues - the current state of decentralization and the problems of its further implementation. It is necessary to ensure a decentralization process that includes legislation, organization and society at the same time. We paid special attention to the process of creation of amalgamated territorial communities and highlighted its advantages and future risks. We also analysed such issues as local budget revenue in the context of decentralization of financial resources, problems of creating the financial base of local communities. Finally, the regional features of the association of territorial communities and problems with shaping the basic level of local self-government in Ukraine were analysed.

Review of a book: T. Hoch, V. Kopeček, De Facto States in Eurasia, Routledge, London-New York 2020

The following text is a review of a recent book devoted to the problem of so called de facto states (quazistates) in contemporary Eurasia.

Determinants of political stability: explanation of the process of institutional change in post-communist countries (1990-2020)

This article examines the institutional changes in 22 post-communist countries during the 1990-2020 period. The objective of the study was to find out why some countries achieved democracy while others failed to establish or strengthen democratic institutions, and what factors influenced the political stability of post-communist countries. During the study, available statistical information on the functioning of the main institutions was collected and processed. The analysis shows that the most significant institutional changes were observed among the non-democratic countries and those that fell into the category of hybrid political regimes. The correction of the initially chosen form of government is evidence in support of the theory of endogenous change, indicating “path-dependency”. The influence of endogenous factors determines the quality of democratic change and the level of political stability in post-communist countries. Democratic changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were associated with a commitment to rapid reform in the early stages, and Euro-Atlantic integration only supported the democratic quality of the institutions. The institutional framework of the countries, that embarked on the path of European integration, was relatively stable during the period under the study, and did not deal with changes in the system of power distribution. While the countries of the former Soviet Union most often resorted to changes in the primary law of the country, and these changes were related to the redistribution of powers between the branches of power and the extension of the time in the office of the President. In addition to the overall level of democratization of the country, the level of emancipatory values and the weight of presidential power have the greatest impact on political stability.

Slavic national minorities in the political thought of the peasant movement in the interwar period

The peasant movement presented various positions towards the national minorities living in Poland in the interwar period. The attitude towards the Slavic minorities was different, the attitude towards the Jewish minority and the other national groups. In the 1920s, a favorable position towards Slavic minorities was represented by PSL Wyzwolenie, SCh and PSL Lewica, while PSL Piast remained unfavorable. In the 1930s, after the reunification in the SL, politicians and leaders of the party proclaimed the need to make far-reaching changes and reforms in the Eastern Borderlands. The agrarians emphasized that the care for favorable relations with the Slavic minorities was primarily due to the concern for the interests of the Polish state, so that minorities would not be the cause of unrest and internal disputes. According to the peasantry, it was necessary to cooperate in the field of peasant interests, to change social awareness and to strive to create the union of Slavic states. In the harmonious coexistence of all citizens of the Polish state, regardless of their nationality, they saw the source of integration and the strength of the state.