scholarly journals Central Asian States in the International Rankings of Democracy Development

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-393
Author(s):  
Elena G. Garbuzarova

Since gaining independence, Central Asian states declared their commitment to democratization and development of a market economy, building their political systems based on the uncontested Western liberal-democratic model. Leaving behind the Soviet legacy, the political elites of Central Asian states strive to build an effective strategy for national and state development and to form effective democratic institutions. However, after several decades, the political regimes in the countries of the region have become more authoritarian than democratic. In the process of democratic transition, the countries face serious threats in the form of political instability and socio-economic problems. The renaissance of traditional national features made them an integral element of the political life of the sovereign states. The development of democracy in the states of the region is influenced by informal institutions - tribal relations, regionalism and the clan structure of society. In fact, the introduction of the basic elements of democracy into the political process of Central Asian states is formal or declarative, and the participation of the masses in politics is limited. Using various methods and criteria, international democracy development ratings assess the level of democratic development in transition states. Western countries set their own norms and rules for the democratization of transition countries based on the ratings of political transformation. As a result, international ratings are used as a tool for achieving the interests of Western countries that seek to reformat the political regimes of non-democratic countries, regardless of their socio-cultural characteristics. Each Central Asian state has its own features and dynamics/statics of democratic transit, but they are all united by the personification of power and loyalty to the autocrat rather than to the political institutions. The author attempts to trace the current state of the political systems of Central Asian states, highlighting the positive and negative trends in their democratization.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.


Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka

Within political philosophy, citizenship refers not only to a legal status, but also to a normative ideal – the governed should be full and equal participants in the political process. As such, it is a distinctively democratic ideal. People who are governed by monarchs or military dictators are subjects, not citizens. Most philosophers therefore view citizenship theory as an extension of democratic theory. Democratic theory focuses on political institutions and procedures; citizenship theory focuses on the attributes of individual participants. One important topic in citizenship theory concerns the need for citizens to actively participate in political life. In most countries participation in politics is not obligatory, and people are free to place private commitments ahead of political involvement. Yet if too many citizens are apathetic, democratic institutions will collapse. Another topic concerns the identity of citizens. Citizenship is intended to provide a common status and identity which helps integrate members of society. However, some theorists question whether common citizenship can accommodate the increasing social and cultural pluralism of modern societies.


Author(s):  
О. В. Баштанник

It has been substantiated that the use of a research strategy of rational choice institutionalism was one of the factors that contributed to a return to the institutional theory of policy analysis individual dimension in the paper. Possibilities to achieve utility and distribution of resources in society at the political process micro-level began to be considered as sufficiently important resultants of functioning of the institutional system alongside macro-politics. In addition, it is specified that application of the methodology of the STEM subjects has allowed characterizing the activities of political institutions using the terms of effectiveness, which led to a reorientation of the study of their informal varieties as real regulators of political behaviour. However, the interest in empirical development has created the danger of rationalizing the politics up to its dehumanization, whereof avoiding, according to foreign political scientists, is possible adhering to ethical constraints that arise from the peculiarities of complex human nature.As a result of the analysis held, it has been found that, unlike the studies of foreign experts who distinguish various substantive areas of analysis in the theory of rational choice institutionalism, the applied potential of implementation of elements of its methodology in the works of Ukrainian scientists is rather instrumental. The general conclusion is that the research strategy of this version of new institutionalism in the practical plane is used mainly as one of many methodological approaches to the study of different political phenomena and processes. To some extent, similar to the particular area of research that reveals the analytical resource of rational choice institutionalism is to study the peculiarities of formation and functioning of parliament and the related processes (electoral strategies and coalition arrangements).It is emphasized that the most interesting for us may be the segment of scientific works, which are based on the theory of rational choice institutionalism, and related to the analysis of those factors that may impede democratic transformations in transitional political systems. It can be argued that inefficient political institutions, despite their irrational nature, continue to function in the political system because they are the product of a rational choice of influential political actors. In this case, the understanding of the very concept of rationality is distorted, which from an absolute category is transformed into a relative one, not only because of the limitations associated with the action of moral and ethical factors, but mainly due to maintenance of an inefficient institutional equilibrium, i.e. an institutional trap.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 131-140
Author(s):  
M.S. KABATSKY ◽  

The article discusses the concept of political scenarios that can be applied to identify the prospects for the development of European parliamentary monarchies. A detailed typology of political scenarios is proposed, as well as their influence on both European parliamentary monarchies and the European political process is established. The proposed classification considers political scenarios that may arise in parliamentary and non-parliamentary monarchies, as well as in republics, including scenarios for the development and preservation of a parliamentary monarchy, or its weakening, abolition or transition to a different kind of monarchy, as well as scenarios of a potential transition to a parliamentary monarchy, restoration or proclamation. All the described political scenarios are included in the groups of main or reserve scenarios, depending on the political probability of their occurrence. The proposed political scenarios are illustrated with historical and contemporary examples founded on the research of political systems and political institutions of European states. The developed classification of political scenarios reflects the versatility and multi-vector of the variants of the evolution of the parliamentary monarchy in modern time, and covers all potential paths of transformation, which makes it possible to use this classification in political research aimed at studying European parliamentary monarchies, as well as political forecasting of the state of this form of government in the foreseeable the future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-56
Author(s):  
N. Zimina ◽  

Modern political parties and their regional branches become an integral part of the political system of society, an important participant in public administration. They have their own organizational and legal basis, have their own charter, program, leaders, their own goals and objectives, and perform certain functions. One of the goals of any political party is to participate in the political life of society, in solving its issues. One of the party’s tasks is to participate in public administration, as a means of representing the interests of the population during elections at various levels and in the inter-election period. Political parties are a political institution and represent the ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resources of any government. The analysis of the political parties’ functionality shows how dynamic they are and how they follow their statutory goals and objectives. In this context, the research interest is the political parties’ functionality in the regional political process in the light of the changing legal field. The adopted amendments to the federal legislation on elections and on political parties have radically changed a number of conditions governing the procedure for the establishment and functioning of political parties and their regional branches in the regional dimension. The amendments made to the federal law “On Political Parties” have changed the conditions for the creation and operation of political parties, in particular, the minimum number of members of a political party when it is created has been reduced to 500 members; the approaches to voting have been changed. These changes correspond to the state of the modern political process and are aimed at the development of political institutions, including political parties


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 58-62
Author(s):  
N. Zimina ◽  

The basis of the political analysis of political parties is the observance of the relevant norms regulating the activities of the party, the formation of their goals and objectives. Political parties have their own organizational and legal basis, have their own charter, program, leaders, their own goals and objectives and perform certain functions. One of the goals of any political party is to participate in the political life of society, in solving its issues. One of the tasks of the party is to participate in public administration by representing the interests of the population during the elections of various levels. The legislative field regulating political parties is constantly being updated; laws are being amended in accordance with the realities of society’s life. The adopted amendments to the federal legislation on elections and on political parties have radically changed a number of conditions regulating the procedure for the creation and functioning of political parties, setting their goals and defining tasks. Today, approaches to the formation and activity of political organizations, including parties, have been largely changed, for example, the procedure for creating a political party has been changed, now only 500 members are needed when creating it; approaches to voting have been changed. These changes correspond to the state of the modern political process and are aimed at the development of political institutions, including political parties. The definition of the goals and objectives of the party is within the competence of its statutory documents and is reflected in the party’s program. In general, the setting of the goals and objectives of the party determines its main areas of activity and its essence


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 885-897
Author(s):  
Kostyantyn B. Marysyuk ◽  
Inna O. Tomchuk ◽  
Mykhaіlo D. Denysovskyі ◽  
Iryna O. Geletska ◽  
Bohdan V. Khutornyi

The research is topical due to complex structure and multifactority of corruption in transition countries, its overcoming and prevention. The study is aimed to identify opportunities and assess the political experience of anti-corruption practices in transition countries, based on analysis of anti-corruption policy, in part e-government. Case study methods, systemic analysis of modernization processes in the political systems of transition countries, structural and functional analysis of anti-corruption policy, methods for predicting the success of transit processes in countries, modeling plausible scenarios of these processes were applied. Transitional systems are highly corrupt. There is institutional corruption in transition countries, i.e. corruption that has become a special institution regarding traumatic social transformation. The reason for institutionalization of corruption is weakness of transitional states, which has not yet become democratic. The use of information technology in political management becomes one of the leading criteria for democratization of political institutions, openness of political systems. Optimization of anti-corruption practices involves in part introduction of e-government. The consideration of e-government is methodologically comprehensive. The consequences of corruption relate to the redistribution of budget funds, various economic benefits, which are not always good for citizens. Economic growth is slowing down, the priorities of socio-economic development are distorted, the labor and entrepreneurial motivation of economic agents, is distorted. The experience of modernization of transformations and political reforms in different regions shows that one of the main factors determining specifics of political process is effectiveness of national models of anti-corruption practices in interests of citizens


Author(s):  
M.L. LEBEDEVA

The purpose of writing this article is to highlight the features of organization of the regional policy in France on the basis of the theoretical understanding of the concepts of regional policy, model of regional policy and policy analogy. The research topic is the content of the French policy of organizing a regional political space. The object of the research is the power technologies of regional policy. The systemstructural method, which considers political relations as an integral system of interconnections of phenomena and events of the political process, makes it possible to determine the main essential content of this research topic. Institutional approach involves the study of political institutions and their content. An analysis of Russian and foreign sources suggests that the main issue posed in the article is relevant at the present stage of development. The study is made possible on the basis of existing research. A comprehensive study of the conceptual theoretical characteristics of the regional policy as such allowed the author to identify the model and features of the political toolkit for the organization of thecenterregions relations in modern French Republic.


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