asian security
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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kevin Arlidge

<p>The countries of Malaysia, Viet Nam and Indonesia are using a hedging strategy to ensure their security. The Philippines is pursuing a dual policy of hedging and balancing with the US. Singapore is following a policy of hedging but is verging on bandwagoning with the US. All countries are leveraging off ASEAN and its associated fora as their first line of defence. While ASEAN and its fora are adequate for dialogue they are not effective in solving disputes among ASEAN countries or between ASEAN countries and China. The uncertain military rise of China and territorial and maritime disputes with China are causing South East Asian countries to feel insecure. While China professes a policy of “Peaceful Development” its actions in 2009 and 2010 indicated a more aggressive approach to its claims over the entire South China Sea that it now states is an area of “core Interest” to China along with Taiwan. South East Asian countries are expanding or have plans to expand their defence force capability. The US is considered an important actor in guaranteeing South East Asian security and keeping China’s territorial ambitions in check in the immediate future. The countries of Malaysia, Viet Nam, Indonesia, Philippines and Singapore are developing strong economic links with China but are keeping their military links at arms length while forging closer defence links with the US.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kevin Arlidge

<p>The countries of Malaysia, Viet Nam and Indonesia are using a hedging strategy to ensure their security. The Philippines is pursuing a dual policy of hedging and balancing with the US. Singapore is following a policy of hedging but is verging on bandwagoning with the US. All countries are leveraging off ASEAN and its associated fora as their first line of defence. While ASEAN and its fora are adequate for dialogue they are not effective in solving disputes among ASEAN countries or between ASEAN countries and China. The uncertain military rise of China and territorial and maritime disputes with China are causing South East Asian countries to feel insecure. While China professes a policy of “Peaceful Development” its actions in 2009 and 2010 indicated a more aggressive approach to its claims over the entire South China Sea that it now states is an area of “core Interest” to China along with Taiwan. South East Asian countries are expanding or have plans to expand their defence force capability. The US is considered an important actor in guaranteeing South East Asian security and keeping China’s territorial ambitions in check in the immediate future. The countries of Malaysia, Viet Nam, Indonesia, Philippines and Singapore are developing strong economic links with China but are keeping their military links at arms length while forging closer defence links with the US.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alicia J. Campi ◽  
Jagannath P. Panda

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-26
Author(s):  
Ahn Se Hyun

This paper examines the potential and limits of Russo-Japanese bilateral relations across the Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Putin periods, exploring the roots of the mutual distrust between the two countries, Gorbachev’s “new thinking” with respect to Japan, how Yeltsin’s policy differed from Gorbachev’s, what Putin’s policy priorities were with Abe, and the limits of Russo-Japanese relations. I also analyze important external elements in bilateral relations such as the China factor, predict how Russian relations with Japan will affect Russia’s future role in Northeast Asia, and discuss policy implications for Republic of Korea as well. The main argument of this paper is that Japan and Russia will continue to remain as immiscible in the end even before economic relations fully heated. Kuril Island dispute along with inherent mistrust between the two sides will continue to obstruct bilateral relations for the indefinite period unless there is a shocking event such as Russia’s decision to yield the four islands in contention to Japan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samina Farhat , Prof. Dr. Summer Sultana

This research paper intend to analyse the Pak-Iran economic and non-economic ties in view of local and international remonstrances stemmed post 1979. This would probe the inward and outward remonstrances to the link, mainly the part of India and US. This would too analyse possibilities accessible to both allies for enhancing their ties in to boost its worth and endurance. Pakistan is a Muslim state that is influenced by the U.S. averting the free growth of its society and throbbing its political sovereignty. At the same time, India is increasing its impact in South Asian security complex through creating bonds with the west surrounding states of Pakistan. The US-Indo tactical bond is also demarcating the equilibrium of strength in India’s benefit; thus, Pakistan is pressurized on east and west and critically risking the exterior security situation of the country. This study analyses Pak-Iran tie in view of this nexus of ties among the asserting and collaborating powers.  


Author(s):  
Xiao Ren

Among the most complicated issues in contemporary Chinese foreign policy is that of the Korean Peninsula and North Korea in particular. Critics have long complained, often internally, that China dare not use, and did not know how to use, the leverage it possessed. Why was this the case given that the relationship with North Korea is an asymmetric one with China the much more powerful side? Has China managed this asymmetry better more recently, and why? This article tries to address these questions. The relationship changed significantly in recent years when the Xi Jinping leadership decided to take unprecedented measures. Those actions have been consequential. China has emerged from being embarrassed by North Korea’s nuclear and missile development to re-establishing itself as central to Korean and Northeast Asian security.


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