Genesis of the Russia-Japan Conundrum in Northeast Asian Security: The Anatomy of Mutual Distrust and the China Factor

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-26
Author(s):  
Ahn Se Hyun
Keyword(s):  
Kuril Island ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Asian Security ◽  
New Thinking ◽  
Northeast Asian ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Shocking Event

This paper examines the potential and limits of Russo-Japanese bilateral relations across the Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Putin periods, exploring the roots of the mutual distrust between the two countries, Gorbachev’s “new thinking” with respect to Japan, how Yeltsin’s policy differed from Gorbachev’s, what Putin’s policy priorities were with Abe, and the limits of Russo-Japanese relations. I also analyze important external elements in bilateral relations such as the China factor, predict how Russian relations with Japan will affect Russia’s future role in Northeast Asia, and discuss policy implications for Republic of Korea as well. The main argument of this paper is that Japan and Russia will continue to remain as immiscible in the end even before economic relations fully heated. Kuril Island dispute along with inherent mistrust between the two sides will continue to obstruct bilateral relations for the indefinite period unless there is a shocking event such as Russia’s decision to yield the four islands in contention to Japan.

scholarly journals INDONESIA – AMERIKA DALAM KERANGKA COMPRHENSIVE PARTNERSHIP

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-109
Author(s):  
Yerichielli Yerichielli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Order ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Energy Education ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Partnership Agreement ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Two Sides

Indonesian political and strategic relations are quite good with the United States, especially since the New Order regime in Indonesia, namely in the 1960s. But economic ties the two sides have not grown enough in comparison with the United States economic relations with neighboring Indonesia, Singapore and Australia. In terms of political and strategic aspects in the relationship between the two countries produced in the United States and Indonesia are less developed the economic potential between the two. Both countries have significant potential to further enhance the bilateral relations to the mutual interest through the establishment of a comprehensive partnership (Comprehensive Partnership) is a strategic step in improving relations of cooperation in politics, economy, security, environment, energy, education and other areas of life other. Efforts to improve relations between the two sides appeared in recent years because of the encouragement of the government of Indonesia and US efforts to seek larger markets in order to restore its economic crisis. In November 2010 the leaders of both countries signed the US-Indonesia Compherensive Partnership Agreement (US-Indonesia CPA) which is a long-term commitment of both countries to enhance and deepen bilateral relations. One sector that is the focus of the cooperation is the economic sector.

scholarly journals China in an Evolving Northeast Asia

2020 ◽  
Vol 06 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-77
Author(s):  
Keyu Gong
Keyword(s):  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Consensus Building ◽  
Mosaic Pattern ◽  
Strategic Competition ◽  
Asian Security ◽  
Peaceful Development ◽  
Major Factors ◽  
Regional Leaders ◽  
Northeast Asian

The Northeast Asian security landscape is fast evolving amid intensifying China-U.S. strategic competition and a still raging coronavirus pandemic. Frequent summit meetings among regional leaders, including the historic meetings between Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un, have not translated into broader security dialogues and joint efforts to build a robust and durable regional security architecture. Divergent security perceptions, America’s dominant security role, and a mosaic pattern of regional security arrangements and mechanisms are the major factors shaping Northeast Asian security dynamics. Beijing remains committed to the declared path of peaceful development amid growing suspicion and concern over its strategic intention and capabilities; with strategic patience and perseverance, it is determined to play a larger role in forging consensus, building institutions, advancing cooperation, and coordinating relations in regional security matters.

International Relations Of Northeast Asia In the US: Area Studies, Disciplines, And Regional Coverage

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-163
Author(s):  
Gilbert Rozman
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Area Studies ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Regional Community ◽  
Northeast Asian ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
New Generation

A preoccupation with the US and narrow notions of area studies have obstructed scholarship on the diversity of bilateral relations and the emergence of the Northeast Asian regional community. During the Cold War, for example, this meant that Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese ties were neglected. In the 1990s the problem became more acute because many bilateral ties intensified and acquired new dimensions. There was an outpouring of new primary and secondary sources within the region, while rapidly evolving conditions made updating of insights imperative. The gap keeps widening between the claims of globalists with little area knowledge, and the opportunities to deepen understanding by applying area expertise to the flux in bilateral and regional relations. The traditions of Chinese, Japanese and Russian area studies have proven valuable, but inadequate. There is a need for scholars who will develop approaches that navigate between global and area studies. Few specialists on Northeast Asian area relations not involving the US can be found in the US, and the situation is scarcely improving. Experts must be trained for in depth, balanced bilateral analysis. Increasingly, there is a need for triangular experts as well. Indeed, working closely with centers inside the region, the US and other Western scholarly communities should be training a new generation of Northeast Asianists comfortable as area experts while also at home in the disciplines.

Russian-Japanese Relations: Long-Term Development Factors

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 68-85
Author(s):  
D. V. Streltsov
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Strategic Decisions ◽  
Chinese Market ◽  
External Energy ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Personal Diplomacy

The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.

The Soviet-Iranian Treaty of 1921: History and Modernity (to the Centenary of Conclusion)

2021 ◽  
pp. 191
Author(s):  
Zaven A. Arabadzhyan
Keyword(s):  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Property Transfer ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Almost All

After a century since the Soviet-Iranian Treaty was signed in 1921 authors of the article consider its significance from a new viewpoint – as the backing of the sovereignty of Iran and Russia that supported development of their relations. Authors examine the way it complied with the interests of Russia and Iran, and its impact on the bilateral relations in the 20th century. The signing of the Treaty secured the sovereignty of Iran, served as the base for the development of equal relations between the two neighboring states and opened up Iran for relations with foreign states. For the Russia, this document was a step towards breaking its diplomatic isolation. The authors emphasize that Russia had granted almost all its property to Iran which contributed to the improvement of the financial situation in Iran and served as a base for the development of mutually beneficial economic relations between the two countries. The authors mention that the property transfer clause was connected with the security of the Soviet Russia. This fact was reflected in the Article 6 of the Treaty. The Treaty set up the basement for the legal status of the Caspian Sea as a closed sea in the states' joint usage. The Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea, signed in 2018, to some extent retained the special regime of the sea and reflected the spirit of the Treaty of 1921. Although in IRI there are different views about the Treaty some experts consider that it generally complied with Iran's national interests.

REGIONALISM APPROACH UNDER THE COVID-19 CIRCUMSTANCES

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 126-133
Author(s):  
E. Rasoulinezhad ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World Economy ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Productive Capacity ◽  
Economic Convergence ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The World ◽  
And Control ◽  
Different Parts

The outbreak of Covid-19 disease since late 2019 has led to fundamental changes in the process of globalization and liberalization of the world economy. In order to prevent the spread of this disease and control its negative consequences, many countries have implemented policies such as urban quarantine, cutting off passenger communication with neighboring countries and the world, closing tourist and tourist places, and implementing policies to protect domestic industries. In general, it led to the phenomenon of reverse globalization. According to the development of new economic convergence, which is based on the role of the market in economic relations between countries can play an important role in improving the productive capacity of countries in a region and create economic integration in different parts of the world. Such a state of integration in different parts of the world could be the solution to the process of globalization and in the post-Corona era, the concept of “one for all, all for one” was created at the regional and global level. As policy implications, the paper recommended some points to make a greater integration between Iran and Russia in the region

Experiences in the Blue Economy Development of Northeast Asia Countries in the Context of Industrial Revolution 4.0 – Implication for Vietnam

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 2167-2175
Author(s):  
Dr. Pham Ngoc Tram Et al.
Keyword(s):  
Development Strategy ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
National Development ◽  
Coastal Development ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Marine Economy ◽  
Global Concern ◽  
Northeast Asian

In the 21st century, in addition to the growing population and the depletion of land-based mineral and energy resources, the development of coastal economic sectors has become a new global concern.  Therefore, all marine countries in the world consider the development and use of marine resources an essential part of their national development strategy. The marine economy gradually stimulates competition among nations. This article is based on the synthesis of documents to learn and analyze experiences of coastal development in some Northeast Asian countries in the context of the Industrial Revolution 4.0. From there, draw reference lessons for Vietnam.

scholarly journals DPRK'S nuclear program

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-A) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Liailia Aidarovna Gainullina ◽  
Rustem Ravilevich Muhametzyanov ◽  
Bulat Aidarovich Gainullin ◽  
Nadiia Almazovna Galiautdinova
Keyword(s):  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Korean People ◽  
Existing Problems ◽  
The Past ◽  
The North ◽  
Bilateral Relations

Historically, in the eyes of the Korean people, Japan is an antagonistic state that has brought them many troubles in the past century. Relations between Japan and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are fundamental in terms of security in the Northeast Asia (NEA) region, since the decision on the DPRK nuclear missile program and on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is one of the pillars of achieving that very security throughout the region. The period, we consider in this study, from 1996 to 2006, is of significant importance, since a thorough analysis of the events of those years is important for understanding the root of existing problems in bilateral relations between Japan and North Korea. The present analysis on the behavioral lines in the solution of the North Korean nuclear missile program may contribute to the choice the best way to normalize relations between the two countries.    

scholarly journals Particularity of Canada-Mexico bilateral relations (from beginning to entry into force NAFTA Agreement)

2018 ◽  
pp. 31-41
Author(s):  
Oleh Bulka
Keyword(s):  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mutual Cooperation ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Organizational Mechanism ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

The article is devoted to the particularity of Canada-Mexico bilateral relations in the period from their beginning to signing and entry into force the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It is noted that from the time of first contacts bilateral relations between two countries have developed unevenly with periods of increase and periods of decline. It is determined that in the history of Canada-Mexico relations before signing NAFTA can be identified four main periods. The first one is a period of early contacts that lasted from the end of XIX century to the establishment of the official diplomatic relations between Canada and Mexico in 1944. In this period of time ties between the two countries were extremely weak. The second period lasted from 1944 to the end of the 1960s. This period clearly shows the limits of cooperation between Canada and Mexico after the establishment of the official diplomatic ties, but it is also possible to see a certain coincidence between the values and diplomatic strategies of these countries. The third period of Canada-Mexico relations lasted from the beginning of the 1970s to the end of the 1980s. During this period, both Canada and Mexico try to diversify their foreign policy and strengthen the organizational mechanism of mutual cooperation. But it is also shown that despite the warm political rhetoric, there was some distance in Canada-Mexico relations. The fourth period of the relations lasted from the late 1980s until the NAFTA treaty came into force in 1994. At that time Canadian and Mexican governments began to give priority to economic relations over political and diplomatic ones. It was revealed that the main influencing factors of bilateral relations between Mexico and Canada were the impact of third countries, especially the United Kingdom and the United States, regional and global economic conditions, and the attitude to the bilateral relations of the political elites of both countries.

CURRENT TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC COOPERATION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND MONGOLIA

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-95
Author(s):  
Tatiana V. Lezhenina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World Economy ◽  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Economic Potential ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Current Trends ◽  
Small Countries ◽  
Foreign Policies

In the post-Soviet era, after a period of stagnation of the 90s, Russia and Mongolia began to actively cooperate, using and updating the economic potential created during the years of cooperation between Mongolia and the USSR. Goal. Explore modern conditions for the transition from stagnation in relations between Russia and Mongolia to cooperation. Tasks. Assess the readiness of the two countries to resume wide-ranging communications on mutually beneficial conditions. Methodology. The use of methods of scientific knowledge, the experience of economic relations of large and small countries in conditions of instability of the world economy, new threats and challenges in the XXI century. Results. It is proved that on the basis of mutually beneficial economic cooperation and coordination of domestic and foreign policies, Russia and Mongolia have created guarantees to maintain peace and promote integration in the Asia-Pacific region. Findings. Using the example of studying bilateral relations between Russia and Mongolia together with tripartite ones in the new Russia-Mongolia-China format, the possibility of reducing the dominance of China's role in Mongolia, reducing American influence and pressure on the leadership of Mongolia in order to weaken the Russian and Chinese presence is proved.

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