Parafia w Krasiczynie jako ośrodek wsparcia dla opozycji demokratycznej i niezależnego ruchu chłopskiego oraz centrum pomocy społecznej w okresie stanu wojennego i po nim

[The Parish in Krasiczyn as a centre of support of democratic opposition and independent peasant movement and a centre of social assistance during martial law in Poland and thereafter] The aim of another publication in “Rocznik Przemyski”, which falls under the project of “oral history”, is to preserve for posterity significant events in the Przemyśl region which took place not so long ago, whose participants are still alive and have agreed to bear first-hand testimonies. This paper focuses on the role of the Roman Catholic St. Martin parish church in Krasiczyn during a crucial period in our history, i.e. the birth of democratic opposition based on the “Solidarity” movement and then public resistance after martial law had been introduced in Poland. The article consists of five parts: introduction, presentation of Rev. Stanisław Bartmiński, calendar of events between 1970 and 2008, accounts by people who in the 1970s and later, particularly during the martial law, had contact with the Krasiczyn parish, and short biographies of the interlocutors and people mentioned in the interviews. The publication is complete with the afterword of the then parish priest, Rev. Stanisław Bartmiński. The collected testimonies show the social, cultural and charity-oriented role of the Krasiczyn church rectory and its head priest, in particular Krasiczyn as the place of meetings of peasant activists who laid the foundations of independent organizations of individual farmers, as a relief centre for democratic opposition activists and later a regional relief center for the people oppressed for their Solidarity activity. Part of the material also concerns organizing in the early 1990s camps for children of Polish origin from Ukraine as well as Ukrainian children harmed during the Chernobyl catastrophe.

Slavic national minorities in the political thought of the peasant movement in the interwar period

The peasant movement presented various positions towards the national minorities living in Poland in the interwar period. The attitude towards the Slavic minorities was different, the attitude towards the Jewish minority and the other national groups. In the 1920s, a favorable position towards Slavic minorities was represented by PSL Wyzwolenie, SCh and PSL Lewica, while PSL Piast remained unfavorable. In the 1930s, after the reunification in the SL, politicians and leaders of the party proclaimed the need to make far-reaching changes and reforms in the Eastern Borderlands. The agrarians emphasized that the care for favorable relations with the Slavic minorities was primarily due to the concern for the interests of the Polish state, so that minorities would not be the cause of unrest and internal disputes. According to the peasantry, it was necessary to cooperate in the field of peasant interests, to change social awareness and to strive to create the union of Slavic states. In the harmonious coexistence of all citizens of the Polish state, regardless of their nationality, they saw the source of integration and the strength of the state.

Provisions situation in the Tambov Governorate in the early 1918

We examine the provisions situation in the early 1918 in the producing regions of Russia using materials from the Tambov Governorate. Published documents indicate a strong rise in prices for consumer goods, the population was concerned about high prices for food. The provisions problem was clearly taking on political overtones. The Bolsheviks who came to power did not only impose power, proceeding from their political and economic preferences, starting socialist transformations and fighting the remnants of the old organs of power. All this is shown in pub-lished sources on the peasant movement that swept the province, as well as in memoirs, witnesses of all those problems associated with food and the deterioration of the political and economic situation in the city and the governorate as a whole. In particular, the Soviet power immediately faced huge provisions problems, both inherited and generated by their own requisitions, as well as with the peasant protest movement. The peasant movement itself, caused by hunger and chaos, in the future will play a huge role in the policies pursued by the Bolsheviks. Documents and memoirs can serve in the study of the state of the population in the specified period.

Peasant movement in the Donbass in March – November 1917 and its impact on the economic and internal political situation in the region

The article studies the events in the countryside of Donbass from March to November 1917. The author reflects the peculiarities of the peasant movement in Donbass, aimed at solving the land issue in order to redistribute land and property in their favor. The events geographically described in the article cover the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk regions within the boundaries of 2013. The article examines the main events associated with peasant uprisings. The author emphasizes that the peasant movement took place throughout the region, but it was most developed in the poorest counties; he aimed to redistribute land in favor of land-poor and landless peasants at the expense of not only landlords, industrial enterprises, church lands, but also rich peasants. developing in most cases spontaneously, and in the conditions of spring-autumn 1917 could not be suppressed by the then power. The author concludes that the situation in the rural areas of Donbass seriously affected the food supply of cities and the army, the rise in prices for essential goods, and even the investment attractiveness of the region. The peasantry of Donbass has already resisted the policy of the Provisional Government in predominantly passive and sometimes active forms. Any political forces planning to extend their power to Donbass already had to reckon with the position of the region's peasantry.

The Ukrainian “Black Hundred”? K.K. Fedevich’s concept as an attempt to “Ukrainize” the Union of the Russian People

Historian K.K. Fedevich, author of the book For Faith, Tsar and Kobzar. The Little Russian Monarchists and Ukrainian National Movement (1905–1917) put forward a revisionist concept whereby the Little Russian monarchists and the black-hundredists (primarily, the Pochaev Division of the Union of the Russian People) were the right wing of the Ukrainian national movement. In an effort to prove his theory, Fedevich focuses on the “Ukrainian national terminology” and “Ukrainian discourse” in the black-hundredists’ newspapers, misrepresenting the historical-political and social-economic analysis of such specific phenomen as the Volhynian Black Hundred. His thesis that after 1917 many Little Russian black-hundredists joined the Ukrainian camp is correct; however, its substantiation does not stand up to scrutiny. Fedevich thinks that the reason to this transfer was the “Ukrainian” campaign of the Black-Hundred. The author of the article argues that the “Ukrainization” of former mebers of the Union of the Russian People was based on the desire of peasants to get land, and thus qualifies the Little Russian Black Hundred as a radical peasant movement akin to social movements of the Middle Ages. Furthermore, the article brings forward materials about the participation of the former black-hundredists in the Ukrainian movement during the Civil War and pogroms in 1919 as well as focuses on Fedevich’s glaring errors. The author concludes that in spite of a number of interesting findings, Fedevich’s concept is of tendentious nature.