Provisions situation in the Tambov Governorate in the early 1918

Author(s):  
Nikita V. Averin

We examine the provisions situation in the early 1918 in the producing regions of Russia using materials from the Tambov Governorate. Published documents indicate a strong rise in prices for consumer goods, the population was concerned about high prices for food. The provisions problem was clearly taking on political overtones. The Bolsheviks who came to power did not only impose power, proceeding from their political and economic preferences, starting socialist transformations and fighting the remnants of the old organs of power. All this is shown in pub-lished sources on the peasant movement that swept the province, as well as in memoirs, witnesses of all those problems associated with food and the deterioration of the political and economic situation in the city and the governorate as a whole. In particular, the Soviet power immediately faced huge provisions problems, both inherited and generated by their own requisitions, as well as with the peasant protest movement. The peasant movement itself, caused by hunger and chaos, in the future will play a huge role in the policies pursued by the Bolsheviks. Documents and memoirs can serve in the study of the state of the population in the specified period.

Author(s):  
Sergei P. Yukhachev ◽  
Vadim P. Nikolashin

The crisis in agriculture in the first years of Soviet power was the result of a number of systemic mistakes, both in the political sphere and in the economy. Food requisitioning, repression, mobilization, a brutal struggle against desertion, the forcible planting of collective farms, abuses by local authorities and a number of accompanying factors led to an increase in social tension. But the key reason for the emergence of “Antonovschina”, nevertheless, was the economic situation of the village and the limited resources to which both the village and the state claimed. We examine the problem of the influence of land conflicts on the growth of anti-Soviet sentiments in the black earth village. The influence of the land issue on the development of a powerful peasant movement is investigated. Within the framework of land conflicts in the village, contradictions in the goals of the authorities and the peasantry, the polarity of their ideas and values (including in mental attitudes) played an equally important role. It was these reasons that formed the economic and political conflict in the black earth village in the period under study, rooted in the events of 1917–1918.


Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett

This concluding chapter addresses the issue of the place of the city directly, and discusses the broader implications of place in relation to the metaphysics of human agency. As the space of physical movement, or locomotion, place is apparently depoliticized from the outset; for the political depends on the free, which, even if conceived as the voluntary and naturalized, is nevertheless contrasted with the external motion that is blocked by force. However, the casuistry concerning the local motion of citizens shows how the space of the political has to contend with the space of external movement, the same space in which animals move, which resists even as it supplements the voluntary and juridical construction of the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 393-414
Author(s):  
Zhang Juxi ◽  
Wang Wenjuan

Abstract Using a combination of literature analysis and historical literature comparison methods, the study analyzes the international and domestic social background of Glasnost and journalism reform, reviews and studies Gorbachev’s objectives, measures and development process of carrying out journalism reform. Journalism reform is a part of Glasnost and also a method demand of other reforms within socialism. The implementation of the reform of the journalism has taken a variety of measures, and has gone through three historical stages: impediment stage, expansion stage and development of liberalization stage. The results show that the failure of journalism reform and the disintegration of the state are caused by the political and economic situation in the Soviet Union and the historical legacy problems. However, a series of improper measures carried out by the journalism reform undoubtedly accelerated the disintegration of the Soviet Union.


Ethnography ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maziyar Ghiabi

The article provides an ethnographic study of the lives of the ‘dangerous class’ of drug users based on fieldwork carried out among different drug using ‘communities’ in Tehran between 2012 and 2016. The primary objective is to articulate the presence of this category within modern Iran, its uses and its abuses in relation to the political. What drives the narration is not only the account of this lumpen, plebeian group vis à vis the state, but also the way power has affected their agency, their capacity to be present in the city, and how capital/power and the dangerous/lumpen life come to terms, to conflict, and to the production of new situations which affect urban life.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Laura Maria Silva Araújo Alves

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é trazer a lume a política de caridade, assistência e proteção à infância desvalida em Belém do Pará, do período que se estende do Império à República. No século XIX, a infância deveria ser assistida na capital do Pará em decorrência da política idealizada e implementada pela elite paraense. Assim, a infância que precisava ser assistida era designada de “órfã” e “exposta”. A primeira, dizia respeito, também, à criança que tinha perdido um dos pais, e a segunda, chamada, também, “enjeitada” ou “desvalida”, correspondia à criança que alguém não quis cuidar ou receber. Este artigo está divido em três partes. Na primeira, situo a cidade de Belém do Pará, em termos políticos, econômicos e sociais, no cenário do Brasil República, em interface com a infância. Na segunda parte, destaco as políticas assistenciais e filantrópicas no atendimento à infância no Pará e o ideário higienista. E, por fim, na terceira, trago à cena algumas instituições que foram criadas em Belém do Pará, no período do Império à República, para abrigar a criança órfã e desvalida.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The objective of this article is to bring to light the charity, assistance and protection policy for disfavored childhood in Belém-PA, from the period of the Empire to the Brazilian Republic. In the 19th century, children should be assisted in the capital of the state of  Pará as a result of the political idealization implemented by this state’s elite. Therefore, the ones who needed to be assisted were designated as “orphans” or “exposed”. The former ones, not exclusively, were the children who had lost one of their parents; the latter ones, also referred to as “rejected” or “disfavored”, corresponded to the children none would look after or welcome. This article is divided into three parts. In the first, the city of  Belém is situated in political, economic and social terms, interfaced with childhood, in the scenario of the Brazilian Republic. In the second, the assistance and philanthropic policies for childhood care, as well as the hygienist ideas, are highlighted. Finally, institutions created to shelter orphan and disfavored children in Belém, from the period of the Empire to the Republic, are brought to centre stage.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Grão Pará. Childhood. Disfavored Children. Hygienism. Welfarism. Philantropy.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Mykola Bondarchuk

The purpose of the study is a comprehensive analysis of the measures taken by the relevant Soviet authorities in the USSR during the period of the new economic policy (NEP) in order to eliminate the manifestations of organized crime. Objectives of the study: to determine the main causes of banditry and its manifestations in Soviet Ukraine in the NEP; to explore the ways and methods of struggle of the Soviet power against it. The methodological basis of the study are general scientific (logical, comparative), and special historical methods (problem-chronological). They allowed to determine this period, in which the problem of organized crime is studied specifically, in chronological and logical order. Comparative analysis was used to study individual phenomena of this process. The study is also based on the principles of scientificity, historicism and objectivity. The scientific novelty of the study is that for the first time a comprehensive analysis of the manifestations of organized crime in Soviet Ukraine in 1921-1928 and ways to combat them was carried out. New archival documents on this issue and materials of periodicals of those years were put into scientific circulation. An attempt has been made to give an objective, unbiased assessment of these phenomena and the actions of the Soviet authorities in those years. Conclusions. The new economic policy of the Soviet state during the 1920's was implemented against the background of increasing manifestations of various social anomalies. The struggle against them took place in a difficult socio-economic situation in which the society found itself after the First World War. According to the analysis of the archival sources, the Soviet authorities attached great importance to these measures, and first of all to their termination. These problems were caused by various factors, but primarily by the destructive processes in society itself and the struggle of the Bolsheviks for the establishment of their power. This also applies to the events of the recent Civil War in the former Russian Empire and the state liberation struggle in Ukraine in 1917-1921. One of the main reasons for the growth of organized crime was a difficult economic situation caused by the effects of military communism. In the period under study, namely in the first half of the 1920's, the process of formation of the law enforcement system of the Soviet power took place. The main burden of responsibility for the state of the criminogenic situation in the country rested with the local police.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nyers

By challenging the state's prerogative to distinguish between insiders and outsiders, citizens and non-citizens, political movements by and in support of migrants and refugees are forcing questions about what criteria, if any, can and should be used to determine who can claim membership in the political community. To illustrate the complexity of this politics this article analyzes the major demand that underscores every campaign undertaken by non-status refugees and migrants in Canada: a program that would allow them to "regularize" their status. Notably, these campaigns are being directed at both the state and city levels of governance. Together, these are two sites in which claims and counter-claims about community, belonging, and citizenship are being made by, for, and against non-status immigrants. In each case, migrant political agency is asserted in places meant to deny, limit, or repress it. The article argues that the significance of these sites is that they allow for non-status refugees and migrants themselves to act as mediators or translators between the city and nation, between polis and cosmopolis.


Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett

This introductory chapter provides a background of the conflicted relationship between nature and the city—the fraught intersection of the political and the natural world—in the natural law discourse of the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. In the course of this extraordinary century, marked by the outward expansion of European states across the globe and simultaneously by their internal implosion into civil war, the boundaries of political space were fundamentally contested not only at a practical but at a theoretical level, and the dominant idiom of that contestation was the universalizing juridical language of natural law. What was forged in the process, culminating iconically in the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and Thomas Hobbes' masterpiece Leviathan of 1651, is commonly taken to have been nothing other than the modern, territorial nation-state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-37
Author(s):  
Hrvoje Cvijanović

The author argues that the politicization of life discussed by many modern and contemporary political thinkers cannot be treated differently, and hence without the similar curiosity and importance, from the politicization of death. The dead body represents a powerful symbol and as such it is often politicized. The paper deals with the problem of postmortem violence and juridico-political mechanisms aimed at excluding from the political body those not being alive but whose dead presence threats the living. For that purposes the author reconstructs Sophocles’ Antigone as a paradigmatic text whose reinterpretation and contextualization serve for rethinking the Greek conceptualization of the dead, and the ways in which the state penetrates into the realm of private attachments and funeral rites, especially when dealing with dead traitors/terrorists. Assuming an equal ontological status of every dead body, the author, on the one hand, defends mortalist humanism as an equal ability to grieve someone’s personal loss against the state-sanctioned politics of mourning, and on the other hand, argues that subjecting the dead to bare death, i.e. by turning them to political corpses as legally constituted dead human entities disposed to postmortem political exclusion, degradation, violence, or to other dehumanizing or depersonalizing practices, accounts for the illegitimate expansion of political power, and thus for the rule of terror, as well as for the ultimate human evil.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9s11 ◽  
pp. 41-65
Author(s):  
Maarten Hendriks

Empirically focusing on the so-called anti-gang, a civilian policing group in the city of Goma (DRC), this article examines the nexus between the workings of the imagination and the politics of everyday policing. Four forms of political imaginations through which the anti-gang imagine themselves as everyday policing actors are identified: political imaginations around the state, citizenship, the father, and martial arts and action movies. The article makes two main arguments. First, political imaginations are not merely fantasies. Instead, the anti-gang harness them to do political work and impose themselves as street authorities. In doing so, they in turn contribute to giving form to these political imaginations, by making them tangible and experienced as real in everyday urban life. Second, the article asserts that the political imaginations that shape and are shaped by anti-gang practices show that they do not so much propose a new political order. Instead, they seek to be included in it, escape marginalisation and become politically significant.


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