“Naked Officials” and “Heavenly Net”

Chapter 10 continues the survey of criminal justice in 1997–2018. It notes important changes in the Criminal Code and the Criminal Procedural Law, including the abolition of class struggle as the guide to criminal justice and “counterrevolutionary” as a criminal category, and the introduction of “harming national security” as a criminal category in the 1997 Criminal Code. Other changes include a series of amendments in recent years to the 1997 Criminal Code and the 1996 Criminal Procedural Law, providing more safeguards of the rights of the accused and reducing the number of capital offenses, and the abolition of the “reeducation through labor” (laojiao) system in 2013. Another area of legal responses to societal changes in the period is prosecution of corrupt party-state officials at high levels. A law-enforcement program called Heavenly Net was launched in early 2015 to capture corrupt officials and white-collar criminals who fled to other countries.

Spain’s struggling multi-party system is here to stay

Subject Spain's party system. Significance As Spain heads towards its fourth general election in four years (in November), a fragmented party system has failed to live up to expectations. New parties -- Ciudadanos, Unidas Podemos and Vox -- are not burdened by old, often corrupt party structures, but with notable exceptions at regional and local level they have been unable to contribute positively to central government formation. Impacts Political discourse will become increasingly acrimonious due to mistrust and some ill feeling among party leaders. Devising policy and a vision for Spain's future will be hampered by arguments over who is to blame for the current situation. Such risks to socioeconomic stability as unemployment, healthcare and pensions sustainability will remain largely unattended to.

Review: The realities of authoritarian media in China

Review of: Stockman, D. (2012). Media Commercialization and Authoritarian Rule in China. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01844-0 China can no longer be called Communist. It is an authoritarian state in which a party that likes to call itself Communist maintains a firm grip on the country. However much the party and the corrupt party princelings enjoy the benefits of capitalism (and let us be frank that it is a distinctively 19th century robber baron style of capitalism), the government usemethods of media control that have not changed since Mao took power in 1959. Censorship has always been part of the regime, but Mao and his direct successors were always clever enough to give the masses a chance to let off steam now and then through such projects as the Hundred Flowers campaign and the Democracy Wall movement.

Evaluating the effectiveness of anti-corruption agencies in five Asian countries

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to ascertain the levels of effectiveness of the anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) in China, Japan, Philippines, Singapore and Taiwan; second, to explain why some of these ACAs are more effective than others; and third, to suggest some policy recommendations for addressing their limitations. Design/methodology/approach – This paper relies on three well-known international indicators to assess the perceived extent of corruption in the five countries. Similarly, their quality of governance is assessed by their total percentile rank on the World Bank’s six governance indicators in 2013. Findings – Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau is effective because of its government’s political will and favorable policy context. The Philippines and Taiwan rely on ineffective multiple ACAs, which are inadequately staffed and funded, and compete with each other for limited resources. China’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection is ineffective because corrupt party members are disciplined and not prosecuted, and the political leaders use corruption as a weapon against their opponents. Japan’s weak political will is reflected in its reluctance to address its structural corruption. This paper concludes with policy recommendations for enhancing the effectiveness of the ACAs in the five countries. Originality/value – The comparative analysis of the effectiveness of the ACAs in the five Asian countries and the policy recommendations for addressing their limitations will be of interest to policy makers, scholars and anti-corruption practitioners.

Richard the Redeless

The reign of Richard II. is a landmark in the political and constitutional history of England, and in the history of her church and people. At home it was an era of corrupt party politics which led to the crisis of 1399; abroad, there was a lull in the great French war; and already the victories of Edward III. and the Black Prince had initiated the course of events which were to make England an insular power, and her government a limited monarchy. Social and religious discontent joined hands in Wat Tyler's revolt, when the causes of Labour and Nonconformity made their first loud claim to the right of existence in England. In the following pages, however, we are concerned less with the history of the reign as a whole, than with the interesting personality of the boy-King. King and kingdom were closely bound up with one another in the Plantagenet epoch; and the unequal and ill-regulated character of Richard II. has left no uncertain impress upon the events of his reign. And here the historical student is brought face to face with the unsatisfactory condition of the original authorities. The whole reign abounds in political mysteries, and the figure of the young King is shrouded in obscurity.