Lexical tone contrast in Izon as ubiquitous floating tone

This paper establishes the lexical tone contrasts in the Nigerian language Izon, focusing on evidence for floating tone. Many tonal languages show effects of floating tone, though typically in a restricted way, such as occurring with only a minority of morphemes, or restricted to certain grammatical environments. For Izon, the claim here is that all lexical items sponsor floating tone, making it ubiquitous across the lexicon and as common as pre-associated tone. The motivation for floating tone comes from the tonal patterns of morphemes in isolation and within tone groups. Based on these patterns, all lexical morphemes are placed into one of four tone classes defined according to which floating tones they end in. This paper provides extensive empirical support for this analysis and discusses several issues which emerge under ubiquitous floating tone. Issues include the principled allowance of OCP(T) violations, and the propensity for word-initial vowels and low tone to coincide.

Variation in the articulation of Russian stressed vowels and the mechanics of palatalization in consonants

A 3D/4D ultrasound study of Russian stressed vowels in the context of ‘soft’ (phonetically palatalized or palatal) versus ‘hard’ consonants reveals that vowels in these two contexts differ systematically in terms of the position of the tongue root while the tongue dorsum is less consistently modified depending on the speaker, vowel or consonant context. This paper proposes that the observed vowel allophony, as well as the softness contrast in Russian consonants, and the contrast between front and central high vowels, are all defined in terms of the feature [ATR].

Why phonetically-motivated constraints do not lead to phonetic determinism: The relevance of aspiration in cueing NC sequences in Tumbuka

This paper examines the role of phonetic cues to postnasal laryngeal contrasts, language-specific differences in the use of these cues, and the phonetic naturalness of the different cues. While many studies have shown that long stop closure duration is a well-established cue to voicelessness in the postnasal context (see, e.g., Cohn & Riehl 2012, who claim this to be a universal property), the present study focusses on the role of aspiration noise in maintaining a voicing contrast in the postnasal environment. It provides experimental data from the Bantu language Tumbuka to illustrate that aspiration noise can preserve a postnasal laryngeal contrast even when stop closure duration is short. Though typologically less common, we show that the use of aspiration as a cue is also phonetically motivated. Furthermore, we show that such phonetic motivation should not be directly incorporated into phonology (e.g., as markedness constraints in OT). Instead, we employ the BiPhon model (Boersma 2007), which allows for a strict distinction between the modules of phonetics and phonology, and which formalizes the mapping of phonetic cues onto phonological representations via cue constraints, avoiding the problem of phonetic determinism.

The tone system of Poko-Rawo (Skou)

This paper describes the tone system of Poko-Rawo, a Skou language spoken in northwestern Papua New Guinea. The system displays a number of points of interest to tonal typology, including: a distinction between underlying specified Mid tones and M tones filled in by default; a dispreference for single-toned melodies; a preference for rising tones rather than falling tones; and strict alignment of Low and High tones, with L always initial and H always final in a melody. These alignment principles extend to floating tones, as floating L is always to the left of a stem and floating H always to the right. We provide a detailed description of underlying melodies, postlexical processes, and phonetic realization of tone in Poko in an effort to bring more Papuan data to bear on questions of tonal typology.

Strident harmony from the perspective of an inductive learner

In languages with strident harmony, stridents within a particular domain are required to have the same minor place of articulation. Harmony is often required only of stridents within a root or stem morpheme, and doesn't trigger alternations. Harmony is also often quite local, applying exclusively or more strongly between stridents in the same or adjacent syllables. Finally, harmony may be morpheme specific, triggering alternations in some affixes but not others. All of these specifics of a given harmony pattern give rise to exceptions to harmony at the level of the word, and may require a morphologically parsed learning corpus in order to be acquired. This paper explores the learnability of strident harmony in text corpora from three languages: Nkore-Kiga (Bantu), Papantla Totonac (Totonacan) and Navajo (Athapaskan). The analyses show that word level exceptions largely obscure the harmony pattern as an overall phonotactic in a language. The three languages also serve as a test of the Projection Induction Learner (Gouskova and Gallagher 2020), which is found to be successful when the generalizations in the data are strong but may fail in the face of patterned exceptions.

Open and closed mid-front vowels in Teotitlán del Valle Zapotec

Teotitlán del Valle Zapotec is spoken in the community of Teotitlán del Valle, in the Central Valley of Oaxaca in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. Teotitlán Zapotec is one of the Central Zapotec languages, which belong to the Zapotecan language family within the Otomanguean language stock. Teotitlán Zapotec has two mid-front vowels. The distribution of these two mid-front vowels is conditioned by the nature of the adjacent consonants and accent and presents challenges to formal analysis due to a number of properties predictive of the distribution: the disjunctive set of consonants conditioning the alternation, the ganging effect of consonant type and syllable structure as triggers, the featural characterization of the process as raising assimilation, and asymmetries between derived and non-derived environments in the observed patterns.

Different speakers, different grammars: Productivity and representation of Xhosa labial palatalization

While cross-linguistic studies suggest that palatalization is preferentially triggered by high and front vocoids, and that it targets coronals or dorsals, Xhosa has a process of palatalization that is triggered by [w], and that targets only bilabials. This paper presents a wug test experiment, showing that some Xhosa speakers do systematically generalize this phenomenon to nonce words. This suggests that for those speakers, labial palatalization is indeed learned as part of their phonological grammar. Additionally, our findings show that some other speakers systematically do not apply palatalization in nonce words, suggesting that they have learned it as a pattern in the lexicon, and not as part of phonology. Drawing on evidence from a separate wug test experiment, we show that the inter-speaker variation in our results cannot be explained away as a task effect. As such, our results show that different speakers can have fundamentally different grammatical representations of the same sound pattern. Though Xhosa’s labial palatalization pattern is phonetically unnatural, that does not indicate that it is necessarily outside the domain of phonology proper.

Aggressive reduplication and dissimilation in Sundanese

Most cases of long-distance consonant dissimilation can be characterized as local (occurring across a vowel) or unbounded (occurring at all distances). The only known exception is rhotic dissimilation in Sundanese (Cohn 1992; Bennett 2015a,b), which applies in certain non-local contexts only. Following a suggestion by Zuraw (2002:433), I show that the pattern can be analyzed in a co-occurrence-based framework (Suzuki 1998) by invoking two unbounded co-occurrence constraints, *[r]…[r] and *[l]…[l], whose effects in local contexts are obscured by a drive for identity between adjacent syllables. Statistical trends in the lexicon are consistent with this analysis. I compare the predictions of this analysis to those of Bennett’s (2015a,b) and suggest that the present proposal is preferable.

Do morphophonological exchange rules exist? A reply to DiCanio et al. (2020)

DiCanio et al. (2020) (this volume) argue that San Martín Itunyoso Triqui has a morphophonological exchange (also called ‘polarity’), where morphemes are realized by switching feature values: e.g. the bare root [anĩɦ] ‘get dirty’ is realized as [anĩː] in the 1s, while the root [aniː] ‘stop’ is 1s [anĩɦ]. In this Reply, I seek to clarify how the descriptive use of ‘exchange’ relates to and differs from its meaning in phonological theories. I also show that the issue of whether exchanges exist is highly theory-dependent. For SPE, Lexical Phonology and Morphology, and single-level parallelist OT with opacity mechanisms, the IT forms do not provide evidence for exchange mechanisms. In contrast, a version of OT that lacks opacity mechanisms probably cannot generate the IT forms without an exchange mechanism. Issues facing the analyst, such as how to prove that exchanges exist, and which apparent exchanges one should expect to observe, are also discussed.

Glottal toggling in Itunyoso Triqui

Itunyoso Triqui (Oto-Manguean: Mexico) possesses several unique morphological derivations, each of which is typified by a toggling of glottal features at the right edge of the root. Root-final coda /ɦ/ is deleted if it is present on uninflected stems, but inserted if it is absent. This process, traditionally known as a morphophonological exchange rule (c.f. Baerman 2007; de Lacy 2012; Wunderlich 2012), is regular and productive in the language. Moreover, it is the primary exponent of the first person singular, the topical third person, and nominal quantifier morphemes, while tonal alternations are secondary, morpheme-specific exponents. The current paper both provides the first comprehensive description of these patterns in Itun-yoso Triqui and argues two theoretical points. First, Triqui glottal toggling involves a morphophono-logical exchange mapping (/α/ → [β]; /β/ → [α]) which, in coordination with syllable well-formedness conditions, produces a toggling pattern. Second, exchange mappings or rules like the Triqui toggle pose unique problems for parallelist approaches to Optimality Theory but not to serialist approaches which permit intermediate stages of representation, a finding that accords well with the necessity for multiple strata in Triqui word formation.