Public-private partnerships in the defence industry and the extended corporate intelligence and national security model

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Trim
2011 ◽  
Vol 161 (3) ◽  
pp. 218-231
Author(s):  
Joanna SANECKA-TYCZYŃSKA

Law and Justice (PiS) is a conservative party founded by Jaroslaw Kaczynski and Lech Kaczynski in 2001. Law and Justice had a coherent idea of the State covering the ideological basis, the model of state system and the organization of state power and national security. The problem of national security for PiS was of utmost importance - associated with the raison d'état. External security was a priority for the state government. In the political thought of Law and Justice, the Polish external security model is based on three pillars. The first and most important pillar was military cooperation with the United States within NATO. PiS politicians were in favour of the Atlantic international security model of the guiding role of NATO. The second pillar was the armed forces. The third one, extra security, was the pillar of the Polish membership in the European Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Awino Okech

This paper focuses on contemporary challenges to the human security framework through an examination of asymmetrical conflict generated by extremist insurgents, specifically Al Shabaab in Kenya. The political and security dynamics generated by extremist groups often find reinforcement in local contestations over power and territory, resulting in an interaction between local and 'external'. It is the product of these interactions in the form of opportunities, resultant discourses, responses and what they offer to an expansion of normative ideas about human security and conflict that this paper focuses on. Using Kenya as a case study, this paper explores the interface between the growth of Al Shabaab, securitisation of governance and political elite consensus on the policy relationship between human security versus a state security model. This paper pursues the argument that the rise in the intensity and nature of Al Shabaab attacks in Kenya has influenced the interpretation of the country's security  threats and the application of strategies. Rather than aiding the application of human security as central to national security, it has rolled back previous gains.


Significance Traditionally, Germany has been cautious about defence spending and build-up. However, the defence ministry now wants to reorganise the Bundeswehr (armed forces) so that it contributes not only to overseas operations as is currently the case but also to national security. Impacts If defence expenditure reaches Merkel’s goal of 1.5% of GDP by 2021, this would allow spending of approximately 49 billion euros. Germany is likely to purchase more from its domestic defence industry as it increases spending. Overseas peacekeeping missions, especially in Iraq, Afghanistan and Mali, are likely to be expanded.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-241
Author(s):  
Mike Akhaze Okedion

Nigeria has on daily basis experienced an upsurge of activities that threatens and endangers its national security. In recent times, the Nigerian nation suddenly metamorphosed into an abode of insecurity. Security is presently a major challenge in Nigeria especially in Northern Nigeria. Nigerians and non-Nigerians are killed on daily basis and in their numbers even the United Nations building and the Police Headquarters at the Federal Capital were bombed. Though the government claims to be on top of the situation, the problem persists. Despite its abundant oil wealth, there has been unimaginable level of lack of infrastructure, automated security amenities and negligible development generally. One of the major setbacks to development in Nigeria is insecurity. Until very recently, plethora of explanations on the crawling pace of development in Nigeria tends to pay infinitesimal attention to the centrality of security to national development. It is no surprise therefore that since 1999 when Nigeria returned to civil rule insecurity tends to have hampered national development. Security is evidently the pillar upon which every meaningful development could be achieved and sustained. In view of this scenario, the paper basically analyses and recommends ways of ascertaining the impact of automated and improved security model for sustainable development in Nigeria. It therefore concludes and recommends amongst others, the formulation and effective implementation of policies capable of addressing the root causes of insecurity in Nigeria. Keywords: Restructuring, Automation, Security Model, Development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-454
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Ilchenko ◽  
Oksana Brusakova ◽  
Yuliia Burchenko ◽  
Artem Yaroshenko ◽  
Yaroslav Bagan

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-105
Author(s):  
MICHAEL I. MAGCAMIT

AbstractThis paper examines the manner through which the Philippine government has utilized free trade in pursuing its development-oriented national security policies and strategies in the twenty-first century. It argues that against the backdrop of uneven economic development being perpetuated by a deeply entrenched oligarchic system and patronage culture, the primary referent of Philippine national security is its diminishing development space. Despite the government rhetoric with regard to the role of inclusive development in enhancing national security, the Philippine political economy remains highly oligarchic and patrimonial. Such a condition has resulted in institutionalized inequality and structural poverty that undermine the country's supposedly development-based security model. The ability of the very few yet very powerful Filipino elites to transform the country into an oligarchipelago underscores the inefficiencies emanating from this type of politico-economic arrangement. In light of this, the paper evaluates the impacts of the Philippines' free trade activities on its overall level of development space by focusing on several crucial aspects of free trade that the government has failed to properly consider. Moreover, it scrutinizes the key factors that affect the utility of free trade for securing and enhancing the Philippines' development space. The paper concludes by arguing that the Philippine government's attempts at linking its development-centric security interests and free trade objectives have resulted not only in the preservation of uneven economic development and but also the further reinforcement of the existing oligarchic system and patronage culture in the country.


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