The Common Market and the Social Contract (1970–79)

Author(s):  
Henry Pelling
1977 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 306-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raphaella Bilski

FROM 1967 UNTIL THE REFERENDUM, THE DEBATE ON THE COMMON Market in Britain produced a vast amount of literature devoted to the economic, political and social ramifications of joining. The main economic issues debated were the cost of entry and its effect on Britain's balance of payments, prices and the standard of living. The other problems centred around the tax system, including VAT, the flow of capital, unemployment, technological development, the value of the pound, the Community's agricultural policy, its regional policy, the volume of exports and labour mobility. In the social field the main concern was the standard of the social services, especially the National Health Service. In the political field debate centred around the undemocratic and bureaucratic nature of the EEC decision-making system; Britain's sovereignty, especially as regards the ability of Parliament to pursue independent economic, social and foreign policies; the connections between Britain and the Cornmon wealth, EFTA, the USA, Eastern Europe and developing countries. In addition the Treaty of Rome itself and the ideological, social and political nature of the Communities were debated.


1990 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-274
Author(s):  
Franz Segbers

Abstract The economic political concept of the domestic common market is orientated at neo-liberal supply-dominated principles, which expect the social organization from the forces of the market. The economic control is to take place in the market. As a consequence of this central question of social ethics is the question of the relationship between economy and politics. From a socialethic point of view the concept of market economy however is only bearable by an historical compromise or the so-called »irenische Formel« (Brakelmann) which admits the political desire for order a primary versus economy. With regard to the concept of the common market which enables the economic interests a leading position before political concepts the historical compromise of social ethics and market economy is again put up for discussion.


1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Dirk Dubber

The Enlightenment was the age of empathy and abstract identity. The common man no longer was to be pitied for his unfortunate plight. Instead, enlightened gentlemen and reformers strove to empathize with the ordinary person—identify with him—precisely because he was identical to them in some fundamental sense. That sense differed from Enlightenment theory to theory, but the identity remained central. So Bentham insisted that every member of the utility community was like any other because every member's pain and joy equally affected the utilitarian calculus and thus the common good. Contractarians like Beccaria or Fichte portrayed all citizens as identical insofar as they were all signatories to the social contract, a contract grounded in the shared rationality of its signatories who surrendered some of their external freedom to pursue their life plans protected from the chaos of the law of nature. And Kant and Hegel stressed the common capacity for rational deliberation shared by all humans as rational beings.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-404

The Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) held an extraordinary session at Strasbourg from November 27 to 30, 1956. It elected as its President, Mr. Hans Furler (German Federal Republic, Ohristian Democrat) and the following Vice-Presidents: Messrs. Jean Fohrmann (Luxembourg, Socialist), Roger Motz (Belgium, Liberal), G. Vixseboxse (Netherlands, Historical Christian), Emile Vanrullen (France, Socialist) and Emilio Battista (Italy, Ohristian Democrat). The Assembly discussed four reports. The first dealt with the crisis in the coal market, and pointed out that one of the causes for the crisis was the exceptional cold the preced-ing winter which had led to heavy drawing on stocks and the oil shortage. Under its Treaty, the ECSC had the duty of seeing that adequate supplies reached its members, but the High Authority had not been given many means of ensuring this. The report recommended that the High Authority, in collaboration with the Assembly's Committee on the common market, take up a number of specific questions relative to coal, preferably in the framework of a special conference along the lines of that set up to study security in the mines. The questions included 1) the coordination of measures proposed within each member country, 2) steps to increase production and to bring about economies in the use of coal and coke, and 3) questions of delivery and the import of coal from the United States. The other three reports dealt with 1) the creation, functions and composition of one or more joint committees (“commissions paritaires”) within the framework of the Community, 2) the social aspects of the proposed common market, and 3) security and rescue systems in the mines of the Community.


1965 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 48-67 ◽  

The present paper assembles some basic facts for assessing the social security system of this country. There is no absolute criterion for judging the adequacy of the provision for relieving poverty and insuring against interruption of earnings. But comparison with arrangements in certain other countries may suggest fruitful ideas for improvement. The British system of social security is at present radically different from, and the benefits provided on the whole considerably less generous than in most West European countries. In the following section we describe first the origin and main features of the British system as it has developed since the last war and then compare it with arrangements in the Common Market and certain other countries.


Problemata ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 255-271
Author(s):  
Eduarda Santos Silva

Given the union of individuals by a convention, as idealized by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in The social contract, the political body that is formed will be directed by the general will, which gives unity to the people, considering the person of each associate, their assets and their freedom. Although the general will is the foundation for the maintenance of citizens' political freedom, it is possible to ask whether it will really prevail in all spheres of civil society, if the individuals who deliberate in the exercise of sovereignty are sufficiently informed about what is good common, or if they are led to accept what suits the Legislator, that is, if the general will is not manipulated, corrupted or deceived by this extraordinary figure, considered a guide endowed with superior intelligence to better lead citizens to pass good laws and preserving the common good. We are interested, then, in contrasting the very important issue of the popular participation of individuals in public subjects, highlighted by Rousseau, with the apparent limits that such participation would encounter in a republican state, and its consequences for political freedom.


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