scholarly journals Vontade geral, soberania e liberdade política em Rousseau: algumas problematizações

Problemata ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 255-271
Author(s):  
Eduarda Santos Silva
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Will ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common

Given the union of individuals by a convention, as idealized by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in The social contract, the political body that is formed will be directed by the general will, which gives unity to the people, considering the person of each associate, their assets and their freedom. Although the general will is the foundation for the maintenance of citizens' political freedom, it is possible to ask whether it will really prevail in all spheres of civil society, if the individuals who deliberate in the exercise of sovereignty are sufficiently informed about what is good common, or if they are led to accept what suits the Legislator, that is, if the general will is not manipulated, corrupted or deceived by this extraordinary figure, considered a guide endowed with superior intelligence to better lead citizens to pass good laws and preserving the common good. We are interested, then, in contrasting the very important issue of the popular participation of individuals in public subjects, highlighted by Rousseau, with the apparent limits that such participation would encounter in a republican state, and its consequences for political freedom.

Rousseau's General Will: A Condorcetian Perspective

1988 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 567-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Grofman ◽  
Scott L. Feld
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
General Will ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The People ◽  
Collective Judgment ◽  
Jury Theorem ◽  
The Common

We identify three basic elements of Rousseau's theory of the general will: (1) there is a common good; (2) citizens are not always accurate in their judgments about what is in the common good; and (3) when citizens strive to identify the common good and vote in accordance with their perceptions of it, the vote of the Assembly of the People can be taken to be the most reliable means for ascertaining the common good. We then show that Condorcet's (1785) model of collective judgment shares these assumptions with Rousseau and that understanding the implications of Condorcet's (1785) “jury theorem” enables us to clarify many of the most obscure aspects of Rousseau's treatment of the general will, including his discussion of the debilitating effects of factions and his confidence in the ability of the Assembly of the People to discern the general will by means of voting.

scholarly journals Rousseau’s General Will

Poliarchia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 59-92
Author(s):  
Giovanni Caporioni
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Alternative Conception ◽  
Political Community ◽  
External Influence ◽  
The European Union ◽  
General Will ◽  
Careful Scrutiny ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Austerity ◽  
The Common

The advance of populist parties in the European Union can be interpreted as the sign of an expanding “frustration” about representation in a political sphere oppressed by economic austerity. In this context, the modern philosophical roots of an alternative conception of democracy, based on direct participation, appear to be worth of a careful scrutiny. This paper focuses on the notion of the General Will as described in The Social Contract. After a critical review of the antithetical conceptions of the General Will suggested by Rousseau, a coherent interpretation is proposed, obtained through an analysis of the text taken as a “self- -sufficient” unity: the General Will is pure “ambition” for an unknown common good, shared by all the members of a political community. However, it is argued that the participatory “machinery” of General Will is fundamentally incapable of resolving three serious problems that undermine the foundations of Rousseau’s ideal “République”, namely, 1. How the citizens can identify the common good without errors; 2. How the citizens can develop an ethical dimension by themselves, without any external influence; 3. How single individuals, seen not as active citizens but as passive subjects of the State, can protect themselves from the abuses of power.

The Possibility of Self-Government

2000 ◽  
Vol 94 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Bird
Keyword(s):  
Social Choice ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Choice Theory ◽  
Social Choice Theory ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Cast Doubt ◽  
Intuitive Concept ◽  
The Common

Many have suggested that the findings of social choice theory demonstrate that there can be no “will of the people.” This has subversive implications for our intuitive concept of self-government. I explore the relation between the notion of a “social will,” that of self-government, and the impossibility theorems of social choice theory. I conclude that although the concept of the social will is essential to that of self-government, the findings of social choice theory do not cast doubt upon the possibility of either. Unlike many attempts to respond to the threat posed by social choice theory, my argument does not require any appeal to the problematic notion of the common good.

The Right to Be Punished: Autonomy and Its Demise in Modern Penal Thought

1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Dirk Dubber
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Rational Deliberation ◽  
Law Of Nature ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Life Plans ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common ◽  
Ordinary Person ◽  
The Right

The Enlightenment was the age of empathy and abstract identity. The common man no longer was to be pitied for his unfortunate plight. Instead, enlightened gentlemen and reformers strove to empathize with the ordinary person—identify with him—precisely because he was identical to them in some fundamental sense. That sense differed from Enlightenment theory to theory, but the identity remained central. So Bentham insisted that every member of the utility community was like any other because every member's pain and joy equally affected the utilitarian calculus and thus the common good. Contractarians like Beccaria or Fichte portrayed all citizens as identical insofar as they were all signatories to the social contract, a contract grounded in the shared rationality of its signatories who surrendered some of their external freedom to pursue their life plans protected from the chaos of the law of nature. And Kant and Hegel stressed the common capacity for rational deliberation shared by all humans as rational beings.

scholarly journals Rousseau's Conception of Government in the work Discourse on Political Economy

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-61
Author(s):  
Petar Jakopec
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Will ◽  
Major Work ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Right

In this article the author problematizes Rousseau’s Discourse on Political Economy and his conception of government in the political community. Rousseau’s Discourse on Political Economy was chronologically written seven years before his major work The Social Contract or Principles of Political Right. Regardless of the fact that the Discourse on Political Economy was published earlier, it left a remarkable trace in Rousseau‘s philosophical opus. In this work, which was published as part of the fifth volume of Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment, Rousseau indicated his direction in political philosophy. This philosophical and political direction began with the Discourse on Political Economy and culminated in the philosophical and political conception of republicanism, elaborated in detail in The Social Contract. In this article the author uses critical analysis and reconstruction to establish Rousseau‘s fundamental ideas about his political philosophy present in the Discourse on Political Economy, with a focus on observing and studying the role of a sovereign and the public economy in the function of the government by general will within the political community.

scholarly journals Corruption, Marginality and Social Disorder as Threats to National and Human Security in Nigeria

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Philip Ogochukwu Ujomu
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Human Security ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Disorder ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common

This essay focuses on the issue of corruption, marginality and the social disorder attending it, as threats to national and human security in Nigeria. It not only examines the problems of corruption in Nigeria and the implications of this for national security, but also, discusses the role of an ethical idea of citizenship in tackling corruption and reinventing the political community. In Nigeria, corruption has played a key role in aggravating the political and economic crisis besetting the country. Depreciation of human dignity and collapse of infrastructures have ensured the systematic elite misappropriation of state power, the primitive accumulation of capital, ethno-cultural intolerance and political manipulation in the society. This paper searches for a set of norms capable of mitigating needless dehumanization and inequalities, and improving welfare of the majority by evolving public citizens oriented to the common good.

‘Birds of the Same Feather,' Shattered Hopes

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Obediah Dodo
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Election Manifesto ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Military

The study sought to understand the expectations of the people of Zimbabwe after the 2017 coup, especially in view of prevailing situation where the economy is down and the political environment is depressing. The study is motivated by the promises made and the hopes that subsequently developed in the minds of the masses during the period of the coup. The study anchors on good governance; a social contract between the people and the regime. The study is a product of a desk analysis conducted qualitatively. The study established that it may be too early to condemn the social contract though there are already signs of a failed delivery of the services as per the people's expectations. It is becoming apparent that like any other election manifesto, the messages by the coup sponsors might have been baits for the support of the masses in the power takeover project by the military.

scholarly journals A pedagogia política de Rousseau

2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (222) ◽  
Author(s):  
Neiva Oliveira ◽  
Gomercindo Ghiggi ◽  
Avelino da Rosa Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
General Will ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Way

O trabalho tem dois eixos articulados entre si: primeiro, apresenta Emílio e Do Contrato Social como obras pedagógicas de Rousseau; em seguida, mostra a utilização que o autor faz dos conceitos experiência, liberdade e vontade geral, enquanto categorias que dão sustentação a esta pedagogia política. Na primeira linha de reflexão, afirma-se que o próprio fato do Contrato Social estar contido no Emílio indica a vontade instrutora do autor de ensinar as regras básicas para que o cidadão insira-se na sociedade. O Contrato Social visa instruir: Rousseau instrui-se através dele, instrui também Emílio e todo cidadão. A questão pedagógica por excelência é a explicitação da natureza do poder político. No segundo eixo temático, afirma-se que há em Rousseau uma intencionalidade educativa onde a relação entre liberdade e autoridade é uma das tensões que ocorre. Da concepção de natureza humana exposta em sua exterioridade, Rousseau extrai o critério de construção do essencial no humano, o que tem valor permanente e substantivo, que é necessário. Nesta perspectiva de formação e educação há um elemento que se destaca, sem o qual o homem perde a dimensão que o distingue: a liberdade, não ilimitada, mas regulada pela necessidade, pela autoridade da vontade geral. Palavras-chave: Rousseau; pedagogia política; liberdade; necessidade; vontade geral Abstract The paper encompasses two paths of argumentation. First, it brings forward both Rousseau’s Emile and The Social Contract as educational works; next, it shows the way the author makes use of concepts such as experience, freedom and general will as categories that provide support to his political pedagogy. In the first argumentative path, it is stated that the very fact that The Social Contract is contained inside Emile indicates the author’s will of teaching the basic rules for a citizen to join society. The Social Contract aims at instructing: through it, Rousseau instructs himself, as well as he instructs Emile, and every citizen. The pedagogical question by excellence is the explanation of the political power. In the second argumentative path, it is stated that there is in Rousseau an educational intentionality in which takes place a tension between freedom and authority. Rousseau brings out from the concept of human nature the criterion for the construction of what is essential in human beings, of what has lasting and substantial worth, of what is necessary. In such a perspective of formation and education, it is freedom that is uplifted, and without it, man loses what makes him different from other beings. But it is not unlimited freedom that distinguishes man; instead, it is freedom ruled by necessity, in other words, by the authority of general will. Keywords: Rousseau; political pedagogy; freedom; necessity; general will

scholarly journals Rousseauist foundations of Schmitt's concept of (total) state

Sociologija ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-236
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Molnar
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Will ◽  
Historical Society ◽  
The Social ◽  
Methodological Tool ◽  
Total State

In this paper the author discusses Carl Schmitt's concept of 'the political' (das Politische), and his constitutional teaching (Verfassungslehre). He is trying to explain that the logic of Schmitt's argument against liberal democracy and in favor of populist democracy follows all the important conclusions made by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his Social Contract, with only one exception. Schmitt was, namely, reluctant to accept that the social contract ever occurred in any historical society and he believed that it could not be used even as a methodological tool, because it has no meaning in the very foundations of political community. Rousseau's statements on 'general will', 'people', and immediate democracy Schmitt found more attractive for his purposes of designing the model of total state.

scholarly journals CONSIDERAÇÕES DE ARENDT SOBRE O CONCEITO DE VONTADE GERAL DE ROUSSEAU

Sapere Aude ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 172-183
Author(s):  
José João Neves Barbosa Vicente
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Life Forms ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Fundamental Concept ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Will ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Social

A vontade geral é um conceito fundamental no pensamento político de Rousseau; é através desse conceito que Rousseau pensa a comunidade política “legítima”, como descrita em Do contrato social, em que a liberdade de cada indivíduo é protegida e preservada. Arendt, no entanto, não compartilha dessa ideia e considera o conceito de vontade geral como descrito por Rousseau uma ameaça à política; ele a enfraquece e a destrói, uma vez que não permite a manifestação da liberdade através de ação e do debate de opiniões entre iguais. Não se pode admitir e nem aceitar ideias ou práticas políticas que tentam homogeneizar as formas de vida humana, que tentam excluir ou controlar a diversidade de opiniões. Defender a ideia de um povo homogêneo que compartilha de uma vontade geral como descrita em Do contrato social, não significa fortalecer a política, mas sim atentar contra a pluralidade humana que dá sentido à comunidade política. A proposta do presente artigo é discutir o posicionamento crítico de Arendt em relação ao conceito de vontade geral de RousseauPALAVRAS- CHAVE: Vontade geral. Rousseau. Pluralidade humana. Liberdade. Arendt. ABSTRACTThe general will is a fundamental concept in Rousseau's political thinking; It is through this concept that Rousseau thinks the "legitimate" political community, where each individual's freedom is protected and preserved. Arendt, however, does not share this idea and considers the concept of general will as described by Rousseau, a threat to politics; it weakens and destroys it, since it does not allow the manifestation of freedom through action and the debate of opinions between equals. Political ideas and practices that attempt to homogenize human life forms that try to exclude or control diversity of opinion can not be accepted or accepted. Defending the idea of a homogenous people that shares a general will as described in The social contract does not mean to strengthen politics, but to attack the human plurality that gives meaning to the political community. The proposal of this article is to discuss this critical positioning of Arendt in relation to the concept of general will of Rousseau.KEYWORDS: General will. Rousseau. Human plurality. Freedom.Arendt.

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