Changes in Labor Force Participation of Persons 55 and Over Since World War II: Their Nature and Causes

Author(s):  
Richard A. Easterlin ◽  
Eileen M. Crimmins ◽  
Lee Ohanian
2018 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 673-711 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan K. Rose

I use new data on employment and job placements during WWII to characterize the wartime surge in female work and its subsequent impact on female employment in the United States. The geography of female wartime work was primarily driven by industrial mobilization, not drafted men’s withdrawal from local labor markets. After the war, returning veterans and sharp cutbacks in war-related industries displaced many new female entrants, despite interest in continued work. As a result, areas most exposed to wartime work show limited overall effects on female labor force participation in 1950 and only marginal increases in durables manufacturing employment.


Author(s):  
John Kenneth Galbraith ◽  
James K. Galbraith

This chapter examines the New Economics that emerged in the years following World War II. In 1947, Seymour Harris of Harvard University, an avowed Keynesian evangelist, edited a series of essays on Keynesian ideas and entitled his volume The New Economics. Under the New Economics, employment increased more rapidly than the labor force. As a result, unemployment declined steadily and prices were held stable. The chapter considers four serious flaws of the New Economics. The first was the reliance on prediction and foresight—on taking action before need. The three other flaws all limited, even negated, the ability of the government to deal effectively with inflation. The first of these flaws was in the machinery for dealing with the now familiar problem of market power. The next flaw was the fatal inelasticity of the Keynesian system. The final flaw was the revival of faith in monetary policy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 804-826 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nir Jaimovich ◽  
Henry E Siu

We investigate the consequences of demographic change for business cycle analysis. We find that changes in the age composition of the labor force account for a significant fraction of the variation in cyclical volatility observed in the G7. Since World War II, these countries have experienced dramatic demographic changes, although details regarding timing and nature differ across countries. We exploit this variation to show that the workforce age composition has a large and significant effect on cyclical volatility. We relate our results to the recent decline in US macroeconomic volatility, finding that demographic change accounts for approximately one-fifth to one-third of this moderation. (JEL E32, J11)


Econometrics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
David H. Bernstein ◽  
Andrew B. Martinez

The COVID-19 pandemic resulted in the most abrupt changes in U.S. labor force participation and unemployment since the Second World War, with different consequences for men and women. This paper models the U.S. labor market to help to interpret the pandemic’s effects. After replicating and extending Emerson’s (2011) model of the labor market, we formulate a joint model of male and female unemployment and labor force participation rates for 1980–2019 and use it to forecast into the pandemic to understand the pandemic’s labor market consequences. Gender-specific differences were particularly large at the pandemic’s outset; lower labor force participation persists.


1980 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary M. Schweitzer

Between the years 1940 and 1947 the demand for female labor in the United States shifted rapidly. Wages for women rose swiftly during the war, then fell suddenly when industries converted to peacetime production. This paper makes use of household production theory to explore the behavior of different segments of the female labor force as they responded to the radical changes in demand brought by World War II. The analysis suggests that a crucial turning point in the efforts to hire women was reached in the second half of 1943.


1980 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-845 ◽  
Author(s):  
James R. Millar ◽  
Susan J. Linz

Susan Linz and I are fascinated, if somewhat puzzled, by Edward Saraydar's comments on our research note “The Cost of World War II to the Soviet People” (this Journal, 38 [Dec. 1978]). His comment demonstrates what we ourselves discovered: that there are many ways to measure war costs. We are pleased to note that Saraydar apparently accepts the fundamental conception that we presented of the cost of the war to the population. We are also pleased to see that, despite his criticisms, the range we presented for the cost of the war (that is, 3.2 to 7.4 years' earnings of the 1940 Soviet labor force) stands up quite well as lower and upper bounds.


Author(s):  
Dario Gaggio

Abstract In the early 1950s, the Italian government experimented with organized rural settlement in Brazil and the rest of Latin America. Part of a general effort to ease Italy’s “overpopulation,” rural settlement abroad had special meanings for both Italian and Brazilian elites. These experiments resonated with the memories of mass emigration at the turn of the twentieth century and with the legacy of colonial settlement in Libya and East Africa. These projects also fulfilled ongoing racial and eugenic aspirations in Brazil. Italian rural settlement in Brazil took the form of both employment in the coffee fazendas (estates) and the foundation of relatively homogenous “colonies.” However unsuccessful on their own terms, these experiments provide evidence of the links between colonial knowledge and development practices, and they challenge the widespread assumption that Italians simply repressed their colonial past after the end of fascism and military defeat.


2013 ◽  
Vol 103 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Goldin ◽  
Claudia Olivetti

The most prominent feature of the female labor force across the past hundred years is its enormous growth. But many believe that the increase was discontinuous. Our purpose is to identify the short- and long-run impacts of WWII on the labor supply of women who were currently married in 1950 and 1960. Using WWII mobilization rates by state, we find a wartime impact on weeks worked and the labor force participation of married white (non-farm) women in both 1950 and 1960. The impact, moreover, was experienced almost entirely by women in the top half of the education distribution.


2016 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-217
Author(s):  
Aaron Krall

During his first mayoral campaign in January 1989, Richard M. Daley insisted that “Everybody talks about bringing manufacturing back. There aren't going to be any more soap factories on Clybourn Avenue[.] … The city is changing. You're not going to bring manufacturing back.” Although this was a controversial statement at the time and Mayor Daley later embraced promanufacturing policies, it reflected an awareness of a fundamental economic shift in Chicago. By the late 1980s, the city had lost over half of its post–World War II manufacturing jobs, and companies were continuing to leave the city for more space, lower taxes, and a less expensive labor force. In fact, only months after Daley's comments, Procter & Gamble announced that it would close its fifty-nine-year-old soap plant at 1232 West North Avenue on the North Branch of the Chicago River, eliminating 275 manufacturing jobs in the process. Deindustrialization was under way, causing anxiety for politicians and pain for factory workers, but a new economy that was focused on real estate, finance, and culture was emerging in Chicago.


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