“Stone Age to the Twentieth Century”: Trusteeship and the New Deal for Papua New Guinea, 1945–1949

Author(s):  
Nicholas Ferns
1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 317-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Inglis

The renewed interest in diaspora populations in this age of globalization has inevitably led to a re-examination of the Chinese diaspora which, especially in Southeast Asia, has achieved prominence through its association with the ëAsian economic miracle.í This article examines the contemporary transformation of the Papua New Guinea part of this Chinese diaspora from a long settled, homogeneous community into a highly segmented and fragmented sojourner population. Integral to this process has been the intersection of post-colonial nationalism with the emergence of new opportunities for economic development attracting Asian and other international investors. The new sojourner Chinese population differs in significant respects from the sojourner populations associated with much nineteenth and early twentieth century Chinese migration. A particular feature which emerges from the exploration of the variant patterns of Chinese migration and settlement in Papua New Guinea is the need to re-examine the nature of ìChineseî identity and frequent assumptions about the characteristics of Chinese diaspora populations. The Papua New Guinea Chinese case highlights the diversity in the way the Chinese identities related to the concept of a ëhomelandí as well as the very different ways in which segments of the same diaspora group relate to each other and to Chinese elsewhere.


2008 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jefferson Cowie ◽  
Nick Salvatore

Abstract“The Long Exception” examines the period from Franklin Roosevelt to the end of the twentieth century and argues that the New Deal was more of an historical aberration—a byproduct of the massive crisis of the Great Depression—than the linear triumph of the welfare state. The depth of the Depression undoubtedly forced the realignment of American politics and class relations for decades, but, it is argued, there is more continuity in American politics between the periods before the New Deal order and those after its decline than there is between the postwar era and the rest of American history. Indeed, by the early seventies the arc of American history had fallen back upon itself. While liberals of the seventies and eighties waited for a return to what they regarded as the normality of the New Deal order, they were actually living in the final days of what Paul Krugman later called the “interregnum between Gilded Ages.” The article examines four central themes in building this argument: race, religion, class, and individualism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Cecilia Azevedo

<em><span>Liberty and Coercion: The Paradox of American Government from the Founding to the Present</span></em><span>, publicado em 2015 pela prestigiosa Princeton University Press, se impõe como uma obra fundamental para todos os interessados em História dos Estados, como também o são dois livros anteriores do autor - <em>The rise and fall of the New Deal Order</em> (organizado em conjunto com Steve Fraser) e <em>The American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century.</em> Atualmente na Universidade de Cambridge, na Inglaterra, Gary Gerstle é sem dúvida nenhuma um dos maiores nomes da historiografia dos EUA, laureado com os mais relevantes prêmios ao longo de sua trajetória acadêmica no país. Após se notabilizar na História Social, enveredando por questões também caras à História Cultural, como a das identidades coletivas, Gerstle, com o livro em tela, contribui para o ímpeto recente da História Política, especificamente dos estudos sobre as instituições governamentais, tema que não despertou muito entusiasmo nos historiadores de sua geração. </span>


Author(s):  
Robyn Muncy

This chapter details events in Josephine Roche's life from 1933 to 1934. Roche's experience at Rocky Mountain Fuel primed her for the New Deal. As Franklin Roosevelt's administration began to grapple in 1933 with the devastation caused by the Great Depression, Roche was asked to serve in several capacities. Early on, the most important was in the National Recovery Administration, an attempt to stabilize the U.S. economy through industry-wide economic planning. Shortly after that, Roche broke through yet another gender barrier by running for governor of Colorado. She took this bold step because the sitting state executive refused to cooperate with the relief programs of the New Deal, and Roche wanted Colorado effectively linked with the national government. She did not succeed, but her gubernatorial bid was nevertheless significant. It demonstrated both the centralizing force that Washington exerted through the New Deal and some of the bases for resistance. It also drew a direct line between progressivism in the early twentieth century and progressivism in the New Deal, highlighting a range of tactics for diminishing inequality that New Dealers brought straight from the Progressive Era into the 1930s.


Author(s):  
Kélina Gotman

In this penultimate chapter, the ‘choreomania’ diagnosis all but dissolves. Visiting British and other colonial government anthropologists, moving around the colonial world from Jamaica and Papua New Guinea to New Zealand, read islanders performing ecstatic preparations for the ‘Great Awakening’ or the return of ancestors in rafts as participating in yet another iteration of a primitive type of dancing disease. Yet, as this chapter also shows, the ‘cargo cults’, just like the Hauhau movement, conjugated a complex play of counter-mimicry which reappropriated colonial props, language, and gesture in a theatre of messianic anticipation. In turn reappropriated by later twentieth-century anthropologists into a romantic narrative about native freedom and liberation from oppression, ‘choreomania’ turns on its head. No longer deemed merely ‘premodern’, dancing and shaking ecstatics and other millennialist prophets and their followers serve as fantastical models for a ‘Western’ world seeking to cultivate indigenous alterities of its own.


1961 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence S. Kaplan

NatoHas appeared under many labels since its creation — Guardian of Peace, Pawn of Power Politics, Savior of the West, and Harbinger of War. All of them probably have some validity. But no matter which sobriquet is most applicable, the most significant feature of the alliance may be that it has survived twelve years of continuous challenges. By its survival it has become the symbol of America's abandonment of isolationism. In an age in which foreign policy plays the kind of role in domestic politics that would have been unthinkable in the nineteenth century, NATO represents a coherence in foreign policy that transcends party differences. Conceived under the Republican 80th Congress, put into effect by President Truman and Secretary Acheson, and expanded by President Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles, NATO now takes its place with the New Deal as a major factor in American life in the mid-twentieth century.


1971 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy O'Riordan

The American nation is presently caught in the throes of its third conservation movement. It is generally considered that the first American conservation movement in the United States took place during the period 1890–1920, with particular emphasis upon the first decade of the twentieth century, and the second was associated with the New Deal and subsequent policies of Franklin Roosevelt in the period 1933–43. The aim of this paper is to compare the development and the underlying philosophies of the present conservation movement in the United States with the growth and guiding principles of its two predecessors, and to follow this analysis through with a somewhat more normative examination of various implications for public policy which come to light.


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