scholarly journals c) Cuba: A Sui Generis Case Study (Communist Proxy)

2021 ◽  
pp. 309-317
Author(s):  
Jason García Portilla
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Legal Tradition ◽  
Roman Catholicism ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Institutional Influence ◽  
Latin American Countries

AbstractThe anti-clerical elements of the Revolution helped Cuba succeed in various indicators (e.g. education quality and coverage, equality, health). The Cuban regime seized, dismantled, and limited the institutional influence of Roman Catholicism on these areas of public life. However, a strong cultural influence of a highly syncretised Roman Catholicism persists in Cuba even if its institutional influence has been curbed. Also, the Communist regime, by adopting Marxism, “threw the baby out with the bathwater” through persecuting all types of religion, including Protestant liberals. Finally, the Cuban regime conveniently turned to Rome to legitimise itself after the collapse of the Soviet Union and to silence Protestantism with a corporatist strategy. The socialist legal tradition had an effect opposite to its claims (e.g. lack of freedom, corruption), even if its anti-clerical element was an advantage. Comparing the Cuban experience to other Latin American countries with leftist dictatorships (e.g. Venezuela) helps understand their failure to achieve the Cuban indicators (e.g. education). The crucial factor in this regard is whether or not the power and influence of the Roman Church-State are reduced.

Institutionalizing Ideology

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danielle Pilar Clealand
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Racial Attitudes ◽  
Racial Ideology ◽  
Racial Democracy ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Government ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
The Revolution

Chapter 4 demonstrates how the unification of racial democracy and socialism creates a racial ideology in Cuba that is distinct from other Latin American countries. By supporting racial democracy at the start of the revolution and officially declaring the end of racism, the government ensured that the influence of racial democracy in Cuba is particularly strong. The initial advances that the revolution was able to make provided a formidable claim by the government that race was no longer relevant. The economic crisis that followed the fall of the Soviet Union marked the first serious challenge to racial ideology in Cuba. The chapter examines the change in rhetoric among the leadership and how ideological discourse was adjusted during this time, and outlines the various theoretical components of racial ideology. Interviews are included to show how support for the revolution is tied to racial attitudes and belief in Cuban racial democracy.

Nice to meet you, President Tito …

2019 ◽  
pp. 241-260
Author(s):  
Carla Konta
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Bridge Function ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
East And West

The chapter explores the political backgrounds, strategic interests, and diplomatic consequences of Senator J. William Fulbright’s visit to socialist Yugoslavia in November 1964 to chair the signing of the Yugoslav Fulbright agreement. The mission tackled two issues: as a US senator, Fulbright repaired misunderstandings and low points of previous US-Yugoslav bilateral relations; as a politician who was intellectually committed to liberal internationalism, he confirmed his support for Yugoslav independence from the Soviet Union and, by observing the Yugoslav Communist regime, convinced himself of a different solution for Vietnam’s emerging tangle. By examining Fulbright and Yugoslav papers, the chapter argues that Yugoslav experimentation with national communism and its possible bridge function between East and West framed the senator’s politics of dissent over Vietnam on the assumption that Communist movements were not as monolithic as most US policy makers viewed them. America’s soft approach to Yugoslav communism corroborated Fulbright’s convictions and persuaded him that Yugoslavia could serve as a case study for the impasse in Vietnam.

Entrepreneurial Behaviour and Institutional Change: The Dynamics of Building Industry Alliances in Venezuela

2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnoldo Pirela
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Entrepreneurial Behaviour ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
National Environment ◽  
Oil Company ◽  
Latin American Countries

This article presents and analyses the final results of a four-year experience aimed at developing innovative capacities and competitiveness by creating alliances between the state-owned oil company (PDVSA), and national firms supplying goods and services to the Venezuelan oil and petrochemical industry. The article proposes a different approach from the standard analysis on firm behaviour, innovation competitiveness, and cooperative organisation and alliances that tend to disregard national environment, including national political developments and government ideological orientations. We make a case in favour of the analysis of the long-term macro-economic and macro-political trends and ideological orientations of a country, as well as how firms attempt to develop their competitiveness and the collaboration programmes supposedly taking place. We argue in favour of this approach in countries with high levels of political and economic instability, such as most underdeveloped nations. This is the case of several Latin American countries at present, especially of the Venezuelan oil-driven economy. A country now in a ‘u-turn’ economy, and maybe the only one since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Soviet Union trying to impose a kind of planned economy and socialism.

scholarly journals “Censorship of the orthodox press in communism. Case study: “Glasul wBisericii” Journal”

Sæculum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-95
Author(s):  
Silviu-Constantin Nedelcu
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Doubly Censored ◽  
Romanian Orthodox Church ◽  
Romanian Orthodox

AbstractThe present study treats a very little researched subject in the specialized literature, respectively the censorship of the orthodox press in communism. We turned our attention to the periodical publication “Glasul Bisericii”, the official magazine of the Metropolitan Church of Ungrovlahia. During the communist regime, the religious press was doubly censored. This was exercised by two institutions, namely: the Department of Cults and the General Directorate of Press and Printing. The censors of the Department of Cults who dealt with the journals of religious cults did not necessarily have theological studies, for which reason they could not understand certain specialized terms or phrases. This thing can be seen into the report signed by the censor Ecaterina Durosov Macheev, from 1971. Another example would be the typing mystakes that escaped from the watchful eye of censorship, and that could have affected the relations between Romanian Orthodox Church and Russian Orthodox Church and, implicitly, with the Soviet Union.

Cold War Relations between Hungary and Brazil from a Semi-Peripheral Perspective (1960–1980)

2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 250-271
Author(s):  
Bernadett Lehoczki
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Internal Factor ◽  
American States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Latin American Countries

Abstract During the Cold War, searching for trade benefits and opportunities of diversification motivated the Hungarian government and certain Latin American countries to build economic ties, especially between 1960 and 1980. Economic globalization as an external and state-led industrialization as an internal factor served as motivations to build links between command economy Hungary and “capitalist” Latin American states. The article focuses on relations between Hungary and Brazil, emphasizing their similar, semi-peripheral position in world economy that led to the perception of each other as dependent economies on the superpowers (the Soviet Union and the United States, respectively) attempting to loosen these ties instead of an ‘ideological rival.’

Is a Consolidation of Liberal Democracy in the Russia Federation a Reality?

2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-334
Author(s):  
Chaim Shinar
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Nikolai Gogol ◽  
Regime Changes ◽  
The Past ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Right

The downfall of the Communist regime in the Soviet Union was at first considered by sociologists as a matter of transition from a dictatorial to a democratic regime. As a result, they inferred an affinity between the ongoing processes in the states constituting part of the Soviet Empire and the process of democratization occurring in Latin American or Southern European states. Shortly afterwards, however, the disparity between the various processes became obvious, when in some of the post-Soviet states the dictatorial regime lingered on, while others returned to a dictatorial regime after having been democratic in the past. Thus, sociologists have, in fact, no guidelines to account for the regime changes in these states, and it is also not clear what type of regime developed during Yeltsin’s presidency and what type of regime is developing in Russia under Putin.Rus, whither are you speeding to? Answer me. No answer. The middle bell trills out in a dream its liquid soliloquy; the roaring air is torn to pieces and becomes wind; all things on earth fly by and other nations and states gaze askance as they step aside and give her the right of way. (Nikolai Gogol)Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time. (Winston Churchill)

Soviet Foreign Policy: The Church, the Christian Democrats, and Chile

1969 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-615
Author(s):  
Roger P. Hamburg
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Trade ◽  
Pro Forma ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Latin American Countries

Diplomatic relations between Chile and the Soviet Union were reestablished in 1964, increasing to five the number of Latin American countries with which the U.S.S.R. carried on diplomatic intercourse at that time. Two of these, Uruguay and Mexico, have a long record of “nonintervention” in diplomatic negotiations, e.g., recognition and diplomatic relations are almost pro forma, with little, if any, implied judgment of the nature and character of the opposite number's government. Brazil, a rather special case, reestablished diplomatic relations in 1961, at the beginning of the Quadros-Goulart flirtation with the Soviet Union. The Cuban case hardly deserves further consideration, having been discussed exhaustively in literally a score of publications. But the Chilean situation illustrates the juncture of evolving Soviet assessments of the Latin American political scene and the accompanying Soviet trade, aid, and diplomatic and cultural programs. The advent to power of the Christian Democratic regime of Eduardo Frei Montalva calls attention to significant maneuvering and probing in Soviet foreign policy.

scholarly journals Spaces of Dependence and Emancipation in Architectural and Urban Narration, a Case Study: Plac Żołnierza Polskiego and Plac Solidarności in Szczecin

Arts ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Izabela Kozłowska ◽  
Eryk Krasucki
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Urban Structure ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Urban Narratives ◽  
Eastern European Countries

Central and Eastern European countries were subjugated to the Soviet Union in the second half of the 20th century. In this new political environment, defined as the period of dependency, the concept of space gained a new denotation as a space of dependence, in both social and physical terms. The political changes that took place after 1989 enabled these spaces to be emancipated. In this work, we aim to delineate the complex relationship between architecture and politics from the perspective of spaces of dependence and their emancipation. Through a case study of two squares, plac Żołnierza Polskiego (the Square of the Polish Soldier) and plac Solidarności (Solidarity Square) in Szczecin, we gained insights into the processes and strategies that promoted their evolution into spaces of emancipation within architectural and urban narratives. Szczecin’s space of dependence was created by an authoritarian state that had a monopoly on defining architecture and urban planning in the country and the state as a whole. In a process orchestrated by economic factors, as well as the scale of architectural and urban degradation, the squares under discussion have transitioned from spaces of dependency to spaces of emancipation. As a result, an architectural-urban structure characterized by new cultural and identity values has been created.

Revisiting the 1954 Coup in Guatemala: The Soviet Union, the United Nations, and “Hemispheric Solidarity”

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Denise Getchell
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The Cold War

This article reevaluates the U.S.-backed coup in 1954 that overthrew Guatemala's democratically elected president, Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán. The coup is generally portrayed as the opening shot of the Cold War in the Western Hemisphere and a watershed moment for U.S.–Latin American relations, when the United States supplanted its Good Neighbor Policy with a hardline anti-Communist approach. Despite the extensive literature on the coup, the Soviet Union's perspectives on the matter have received scant discussion. Using Soviet-bloc and United Nations (UN) archival sources, this article shows that Latin American Communists and Soviet sympathizers were hugely influential in shaping Moscow's perceptions of hemispheric relations. Although regional Communists petitioned the Soviet Union to provide support to Árbenz, officials in Moscow were unwilling to prop up what they considered a “bourgeois-democratic” revolution tottering under the weight of U.S. military pressure. Soviet leaders were, however, keen to use their position on the UN Security Council to challenge the authority of the Organization of American States and undermine U.S. conceptions of “hemispheric solidarity.” The coup, moreover, revealed the force of anti-U.S. nationalism in Latin America during a period in which Soviet foreign policy was in flux and the Cold War was becoming globalized.

Comintern Aesthetics in the Andes: The Indigenous Revolutionary

2021 ◽  
Vol 85 (4) ◽  
pp. 443-473
Author(s):  
Anna Björk Einarsdóttir
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
World System ◽  
Political Connections ◽  
Cesar Vallejo ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Andes ◽  
The Soviet Union

The fight against imperialism and racism was central to the Comintern's political and cultural program of the interwar period. Although the more immediate interests of the Soviet state would come to overshadow such causes, the cultural and political connections forged during this time influenced later forms of organizing. Throughout the interwar period (1918-39), the Soviet Union served as the core location of a newly formed world-system of socialist and communist radicalism. The origin of Latin American Marxism in the work of the Peruvian theorist and political organizer José Carlos Mariátegui, as well as the politically committed literature associated with the interwar communist left in the Andean region of Latin America, shows how literature and theory devoted to the indigenous revolutionary contributed to interwar Marxist debates. The interwar influence of Mariátegui and César Vallejo makes clear the importance of resisting attempts to drive a wedge between the two authors and the broader communist movement at the time.

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