Nice to meet you, President Tito …

Author(s):  
Carla Konta

The chapter explores the political backgrounds, strategic interests, and diplomatic consequences of Senator J. William Fulbright’s visit to socialist Yugoslavia in November 1964 to chair the signing of the Yugoslav Fulbright agreement. The mission tackled two issues: as a US senator, Fulbright repaired misunderstandings and low points of previous US-Yugoslav bilateral relations; as a politician who was intellectually committed to liberal internationalism, he confirmed his support for Yugoslav independence from the Soviet Union and, by observing the Yugoslav Communist regime, convinced himself of a different solution for Vietnam’s emerging tangle. By examining Fulbright and Yugoslav papers, the chapter argues that Yugoslav experimentation with national communism and its possible bridge function between East and West framed the senator’s politics of dissent over Vietnam on the assumption that Communist movements were not as monolithic as most US policy makers viewed them. America’s soft approach to Yugoslav communism corroborated Fulbright’s convictions and persuaded him that Yugoslavia could serve as a case study for the impasse in Vietnam.

Author(s):  
Jason García Portilla

AbstractThe anti-clerical elements of the Revolution helped Cuba succeed in various indicators (e.g. education quality and coverage, equality, health). The Cuban regime seized, dismantled, and limited the institutional influence of Roman Catholicism on these areas of public life. However, a strong cultural influence of a highly syncretised Roman Catholicism persists in Cuba even if its institutional influence has been curbed. Also, the Communist regime, by adopting Marxism, “threw the baby out with the bathwater” through persecuting all types of religion, including Protestant liberals. Finally, the Cuban regime conveniently turned to Rome to legitimise itself after the collapse of the Soviet Union and to silence Protestantism with a corporatist strategy. The socialist legal tradition had an effect opposite to its claims (e.g. lack of freedom, corruption), even if its anti-clerical element was an advantage. Comparing the Cuban experience to other Latin American countries with leftist dictatorships (e.g. Venezuela) helps understand their failure to achieve the Cuban indicators (e.g. education). The crucial factor in this regard is whether or not the power and influence of the Roman Church-State are reduced.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giorgi Aptsiauri

This paper focuses on analyzing the structure of political iconography as one of the methods to achieve political power. On this basis, the political iconography of three Georgian presidents is analyzed. In the modern world, the most important tool for politics and politicians is creating a political icon. Political iconography is directly connected with Christian iconography. It is widely known that in order to get the desired impact on the society, various forms and means of mass communication are used such as personal, social, visual, rhetoric, audio, and communication. Using them without creating iconographic image from politicians does not have any result. Political iconography reaches and mostly remains in the mind of the society, and this leads people to make their decision to support the politician who is a hero of the iconography. This fits the narrative, meaning, and common discourse of the society, which formed an iconographic image of the certain politician. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a new type of political iconography of Georgia was born which is essentially different from the Soviet iconography. The political iconography of these three Georgian presidents is based on the narrative of creating a modern state. There is however a substantial difference between them. Zviad Gamsakhurdia created the political iconography of a savior, Edward Shevardnadze was seen as an iconic politician, and Mikheil Saakashvili was a creator of power and savior.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Yevgeny Ryabinin

The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres. It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament. Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.


Sæculum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-95
Author(s):  
Silviu-Constantin Nedelcu

AbstractThe present study treats a very little researched subject in the specialized literature, respectively the censorship of the orthodox press in communism. We turned our attention to the periodical publication “Glasul Bisericii”, the official magazine of the Metropolitan Church of Ungrovlahia. During the communist regime, the religious press was doubly censored. This was exercised by two institutions, namely: the Department of Cults and the General Directorate of Press and Printing. The censors of the Department of Cults who dealt with the journals of religious cults did not necessarily have theological studies, for which reason they could not understand certain specialized terms or phrases. This thing can be seen into the report signed by the censor Ecaterina Durosov Macheev, from 1971. Another example would be the typing mystakes that escaped from the watchful eye of censorship, and that could have affected the relations between Romanian Orthodox Church and Russian Orthodox Church and, implicitly, with the Soviet Union.


Balcanica ◽  
2011 ◽  
pp. 133-163
Author(s):  
Spyridon Sfetas

Tito?s visit to Greece contributed to the Balkan Pact?s transformation into a military alliance. Despite the establishment of Soviet-Yugoslav diplomatic relations in 1953, the Soviet Union made no political move towards normalizing bilateral relations. For security reasons Tito visited Athens (June 1954) to promote Yugoslavia?s military cooperation with Greece and Turkey without ruling out Yugoslavia?s accession to NATO. But the Soviet leadership, fearing Yugoslavia?s involvement in western defense mechanisms, sent the message to Belgrade that it was ready to recognize Stalin?s blunders towards Yugoslavia. Thus, Tito applied a policy of equidistance between East and West and refused to link up the Balkan Alliance with NATO.


2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christfried Tögel

The paper explores – on the basis of archival sources, memoirs and interviews – the strange career of the economist Jenö Varga (1879–1964), an early Hungarian sympathizer of psychoanalysis. Varga became a member of the Hungarian Psychoanalytic Association in 1918 and, in 1919, was appointed People's Commissar for Finances during the Hungarian Councils' Republic, the first Communist regime in the country. After the failure of the Commune, he emigrated to Soviet Russia. In the 1920s, he worked at the Soviet commercial mission in Berlin, and maintained contact with Freud until the late 1920s. Later, he became one of the leading economists of the Soviet Union, an expert on the political economy of capitalism. Though he never publicly opposed Stalinism, an ambivalent attitude toward the totalitarian regime can be reconstructed from his memoirs as well as from interviews with family members and friends.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 182
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ibrahim

Capitalism and Socialism prevail over and converted world into bipolar. U.S.S.R was super power of world and leader of Eastern Europe and Socialist Block. There was a state of constant confrontation between two Super powers, the United States and the Soviet Union that led to disintegration of USSR. Central Asian states get independence from USSR. It changed the political significance of Russia at global forums. The politics of world converted to unipolar world. Socio-economic reconstruction calls for the strength of a democratic state capable of inspiring its citizen to self-interested voluntary cooperation. Achieving the constructive project, and organizing a social consensus for its implementation.  The purpose of study is to analyze vision of political leadership of Russia for dominance in central Asian Muslim states. This perception has started from the day of independence of states of Central Asia. New shift has occurred in the region. The political significance is independent variable and dependency of Asian States is dependent variable with assumption. It is in debate that communism is sufficient political system for survival for regional countries in leadership of Russia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Philipp Casula

This article discusses how the Soviet Union perceived and related to Middle Eastern revolutionary movements, using a case study from South Yemen and the War in Dhofar. This specific Soviet encounter will be analysed through selected Soviet material from published and archival sources. The article highlights how Soviet representatives assessed prospects for socialism in Yemen, and how they interacted with their partners on the ground. The article is divided into three parts: the first discusses the theoretical debates in Soviet academia and the press, the second section contrasts these theoretical views with Middle Eastern ‘socialist’ theories during the Cold War and the third shows how a symbiosis developed between Soviet and Yemeni institutions and organisations. The article argues that due to an Orientalist take on South Yemen and Dhofar, the Soviet side could not appreciate the political importance and potential of socialist currents in the region, reducing cooperation to ‘pragmatism’.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.


2020 ◽  
pp. 60-72
Author(s):  
L. Khachirova ◽  
A. Rypnevskay ◽  
A. Trubkina

The Soviet Union played an important role in liberation of Norway and Denmark from the Nazi invaders. However, nowadays we often notice historical falsification which leads to certain disagreements in the bilateral relations. The article analyses how modern Norway and Denmark view Soviet impact in their liberation from Nazism. It also focuses on acute problems in our countries’ relations arisen from rewriting of history, as well as prospects for their solution.


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