Gender Digital Divide in India: Impacting Women’s Participation in the Labour Market

Author(s):  
Sharmistha Sinha
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 2671
Author(s):  
A. Amarender Reddy ◽  
Surabhi Mittal ◽  
Namrata Singha Roy ◽  
Sanghamitra Kanjilal-Bhaduri

The paper examines the time allocation between paid work (wage earning or self-employed work generally termed as employment work) and unpaid (domestic chores/care work generally termed as non-employment work) along with wage rates, imputed earnings, and occupational structure among men and women and according to different social groups to establish the extent to which the rural labour market is discriminated by sex and social group. The major objective of the paper is to show the differential in wage income between men and women in farm and non-farm activities. The paper also shows the division of time between employment and non-employment activities by men and women. The paper uses high-frequency data and applies econometric techniques to know the factors behind time allocation among different activities across gender. The study finds that males spend more hours on employment work and work at a higher wage rate than females. As a result, a vast monetary income gap between men and women is observed, even though women worked more hours if employment and non-employment activities are jointly taken into consideration. Time spent on employment work and non-employment (mainly domestic chores) has been found to vary significantly due to social identity, household wealth, land, income, education, and skill. The segregation of labour market by sex was evident in this study, with men shifting to non-farm occupations with greater monetary returns and continued dependence on women’s farm activities. Enhancing the ownership of land and other assets, encouraging women’s participation particularly among minorities, and improving health are some of the policy recommendations directed from this study to enhance participation in employment work and shifting towards higher wage income employment.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (III) ◽  
pp. 12-31
Author(s):  
Tamanna Bibi ◽  
Amjad Amin ◽  
Jabbar ul Haq

This study analyses the woman's status labour market of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Four working states: self-employed, paid employees, and unpaid family helpers were investigated. Data were collected about individuals and household characteristics of women aged between (15-60) years from the Pakistan Social and Living Standard Measurement Survey (PSLM, 2014-15). The estimated results based on Multinomial Logit (MNL) suggest a positive and significant impact of women's age on all working categories in the labour market. The woman who owns a house, or the married woman, with multiple children or having a combined family system, or the residents of the countryside have less likelihood to take part in paid works. Participation in paid works decreases with the increase in the number of children, whereas participation in self-employment increases with the increase in the number of children. The probability of female participation in all four working states increases with the increase in the number of working individuals in the family. Whereas, probability of women's participation in the labor market decrease with the Joint family system, house owning, marriage, or higher household income.


2005 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santina Bertone ◽  
Gerard Griffin

One of the main goals of employment equity programmes is to increase the occupational mobility of women so that they may enter non traditional jobs. Although on-the-job training has always been considered a major tool for increasing occupational mobility, it has received very little consideration in employment equity programmes. This article identifies the major aspects of women's participation in on-the-job training programmes and proposes ways to bridge the gap between these programmes and employment equity. The first section of the article examines the current situation of women in the labour market. According to the most recent statistics, occupational segregation as well as the wage gap between males and females are still quite significant. Studies of employment equity programmes show that progress has, in general, been slow. Among the reasons given for these results are a lack of integration of employment equity programmes and employers' human resource management strategies, particularly as regards on-the-job training. In the second section we examine data depicting different aspects of women workers' participation in on-the-job training. The data originate from a wide variety of sources and show that women are disadvantaged relative to men along several dimensions, including: participation rates; duration and intensity of training; and financing. Explanations for these discrepancies are discussed in the following two sections which deal respectively with access to and outcomes of on-the-job training for women workers. An initial factor that may explain the lower participation rate of women is the fact that employers tend to offer on-the-job training to workers in qualified jobs. In this context, women's jobs are usually considered as less qualified and studies show that there is an under-investment in human capital in jobs such as clerical work where women are concentrated. Another factor that comes into play is the relation between on-the-job training and an employee's real or anticipated stability in the enterprise. Although women's periods of absence from the labour market for family reasons are much shorter now than before, they are still perceived as less attached to their jobs. It has been shown, for instance, that women with young children are less likely to be offered training by their employers. Another characteristic of women's jobs that negatively affects their participation in training is the fact that they are over-represented in areas of marginal employment such as part-time work. Employers tend to offer less training to these employees because they are considered less motivated and less productive. Finally, the positive relation that has been shown to exist between size of firm and the incidence of training may equally have an adverse impact since women are over-represented in small and mediumsized firms. Even if employers modify their practices in order to give women access to training for non-traditional jobs, some barriers can still limit positive outcomes. These barriers may exist during or after training. For instance, for reasons arising from education or the traditional nature of their job experience, women are less familiar with basic technical skills. Studies have shown that the chances of women remaining in and successfully completing these programmes are improved if, prior to training, they receive some technical or scientific instruction in areas such as refresher mathematics or technical vocabulary. Positive attitudes and awareness on the part of trainers are also important factors in avoiding discouragement and withdrawal from the programme by women workers. Finally, once training is over, occupational mobility may not necessarily follow for various reasons such as bias of supervisors against women entrants in non traditional jobs or a lack of seniority. The analysis presented in this article proposes a comprehensive framework for studying women's participation in on-the-job training programmes. One of the main features of the analysis is to demonstrate the interactions between a large number of variables. The next step is to improve our knowledge of this situation through use of a more comprehensive statistical data base, and through case studies. Given the fact that hiring has considerably slowed down for cyclical as well as structural reasons, promotions into non-traditional jobs will probably become the main avenue for employment equity, hence the importance of on-the-job training for women workers.


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (4II) ◽  
pp. 965-979 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasmeen Mohiuddin

A general concern with equity in the economic development process and the focus on issues of poverty, population growth, and environmental degradation in recent years have both created an upsurge in the interest in women's role in economic development. The women in development (WID ) issue is closely related to the issue of sex discrimination. In economic terms, discrimination occurs whenever market allocations are affected not by the criterion of productivity, but by non-pecuniary or extraneous factors such as sex. Operationally, the most common forms of discrimination in the labour market are wage discrimination, whereby women are paid lower wages relative to men in all industries and occupations for work that is recognisably equal,l and occupational or job discrimination, whereby women are segregated into certain 'female' occupations which are generally low-paying. Both these types of discrimination are fairly common and extensive in Europe and North America, especially in the U. S. In Pakistan, as in some other Third World countries, there is another aspect of discrimination which is even more fundamental than the other two. This refers to the divergence between myth and reality about women's participation in the labour force, which is the most visible indicator of their contribution to economic activity, and hence to development. The reality is that women's labour force participation is high, measured either in terms of the percentage of adult women who work, or the proportion of the labour force that is female, or the hours of work. The myth within Pakistan (especially among the middle class, urbanites, government officials including planners and administrators, and even academicians) as well as outside is that women do not work.


Bread Winner ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 160-190
Author(s):  
Emma Griffin

This chapter takes a look at the kind of options which were available to married women without a reliable breadwinner for support, and how they were able to navigate their way through these options. It emphasises the remarkably stable nature of the married women's participation in the workplace. A wide range of economic measures have indicated that the economy underwent unprecedented growth and restructuring after 1830, yet none of these changes appear to have made much of an impact on the likelihood of married women participating in the labour market. Equally, the nineteenth century witnessed the emergence of the breadwinning family model — the ideological justification for higher male wages, a wage sufficient to support the male breadwinner and his dependent wife and children at home. Yet this too had very little impact on women's experiences, failing to raise male wages to a level at which paid work for married women became unnecessary in most families. Indeed, as the autobiographies in this chapter show, it becomes evident that married women's working patterns do not fit into our usual ways of conceiving work at all.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. e0232032 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Denisa Vasilescu ◽  
Andreea Claudia Serban ◽  
Gina Cristina Dimian ◽  
Mirela Ionela Aceleanu ◽  
Xose Picatoste

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