Questioning the Crisis of “Rohingya Muslim” Ethnic Minority Beyond the Foreign Policy of Bangladesh and Myanmar

2022 ◽  
pp. 135-171
Author(s):  
Md. Nazmul Islam ◽  
Md. Habibur Rahman
China Report ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Clarke

This article argues, through a case study of the evolving impact of the Xinjiang and Uyghur issue, that the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) ethnic minorities have been a significant factor in Beijing’s foreign relations throughout its history. Since the end of the Cold War in particular, China’s approach to the Xinjiang and Uyghur issue has played an important role in undergirding domestic stability and shaping its relations with Central Asia. More broadly, the case of Xinjiang and the Uyghur suggests that the nature and scale of the challenge posed by any one ethnic minority in the context of the PRC’s foreign policy has largely been a function of the interplay of five major factors: the historical relationship between the ethnic group and the Chinese state; the geographic concentration of an ethnic minority; the degree of acculturation to the dominant Han society; external great power support; and mobilised diasporas.


Significance Discussion included the Northern Alliance of four ethnic minority armed groups fighting the Tatmadaw in north-eastern Myanmar bordering China. The meeting exemplifies the military's formal and central political role in Myanmar’s foreign affairs. Impacts The civilian-led government will share responsibility (and blame) with the military for continued internal conflicts. Military crackdowns on ethnic militias and the Rohingya will cause foreign policy controversy for the civilian government. The Tatmadaw and civilian government could clash over defence expenditure levels.


2021 ◽  
pp. 74-91
Author(s):  
T. Perga

The article focuses on Hungary’s relations with Slovakia and Ukraine. It is concluded that the foreign policy of Hungary is radicalized at the beginning of the XXI century, which is manifested in the growing pressure on neighboring countries, in particular Ukraine, in order to provide autonomy to members of the Hungarian ethnic minority. It was found that this policy implements the idea of “Greater Hungary”, which must ensure the dominance of the unification and re-assimilation processes and the integration of the Hungarian nation in Eastern Europe around Budapest. It is proved that the preconditions for its development established the Treaty of Trianon, as a result of which the country lost two thirds of its territory and one third of its population. It was found that the antagonism inherent in the disregard of ethnic principle during the establishment of borders after the World War I prompted Hungary to resort to a forceful scenario of resolving territorial disputes, which dominated in the first half of the XX century. It was revealed that the change in the geopolitical situation in the second half of the XX century made it impossible to implement thus scenario, which led to a change in Hungary’s strategy and tactics to return the territories lost as a result of the World War I, II,. So Hungary transfers the solving of disputes with neighboring countries in the legal field, on a bilateral basis. Hungary has relied on the cultural and linguistic unification of the nation, based on the preservation of national traditions. The author concludes that, despite the differences in the situation with the Hungarian community in Slovakia and Ukraine, Hungary uses similar tools to promote the idea of a “Greater Hungary” and pressure on neighboring countries. Hungary’s policy poses a threat to Ukraine’s national security. Its methods lead to periodic interference in the policies of neighboring countries. This should be considered as one of the elements of the policy of “soft accession” of the Hungarian-speaking part of Transcarpathia to Hungary, which can be regarded as one of the elements of hybrid wars of the early XXI century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Clements

AbstractPublic opinion research has demonstrated that minority religious and ethnic groups hold distinctive preferences on foreign policy issues, including military interventions in the Cold War and post-Cold War eras. There has been little scholarly research in Britain into the attitudes of minority groups on foreign policy issues. This article uses a nationally-representative survey of the ethnic minority population in Britain to examine the sources of public opinion towards the war in Afghanistan. Using multivariate analysis, it finds strong effects for religious affiliation, religiosity and political alienation. There is also evidence of a “gender gap” and age-related differences. The paper contributes to the literature on the impact of religion on public opinion and foreign policy and to analysis of the political attitudes of minority groups in Britain.


Itinerario ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
W.J. Boot

In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.


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