The EU and China: policy perceptions of economic cooperation and competition

Author(s):  
Duncan Freeman
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (6) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Zhang DONGYANG ◽  

The status and prospects of development of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and China are considered. It is proved that bilateral cooperation in the trade and economic sphere has made significant progress. In 2012–2017, China was the second largest trading partner of Ukraine after Russia. However, the problem of imbalance in imports and exports between Ukraine and China has not yet been resolved. In addition, the scale and number of projects in which Ukraine attracts Chinese investment is much less than investments from European countries and the United States. It is justified that trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and China is at a new historical stage. On the one hand, Ukraine signed the Association Agreement with the European Union, and on January 1, 2016, the rules of the free trade zone between Ukraine and the EU entered into force. This helps to accelerate the integration of Ukrainian economy into European one. On the other hand, the global economic downturn requires the introduction of innovations in the model of cooperation. The Chinese initiative “One belt is one way” is one of the variants of the innovation model of cooperation. Its significance is to unite the Asia-Pacific region with the EU in order to join the Eurasian Economic Union, create a new space and opportunities for development and achieve prosperity with the Eurasian countries. All this forms unprecedented opportunities for development of bilateral economic and trade relations. It seems that to fully open the potential of Ukrainian economy and expand bilateral trade and economic cooperation, it is necessary to take into account such proposals as the establishment of the Sino-Ukrainian industrial park, the promotion of cooperation in the field of electronic commerce, the formation of the Sino-Ukrainian free trade zone and enhanced interaction within multilateral mechanisms (for example, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the interaction of China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the 16 + 1 format).


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1980-1996
Author(s):  
T.S. Malakhova

Subject. Foreign economic and trade ties among countries are getting tighter and less predictable in the early 21st century. This directly stems from a growing disparity of partners, especially if it goes about their future cooperation as part of integration groups or international organizations. Communities of experts suggest using various approaches to locally adjusting integration phases, especially implementing the two-speed integration in the European Union. Objectives. The study is an attempt to examine an improvement of foreign economic cooperation and suggest its implementation steps for the European Union. This all is due to considerable inner controversies and problems within the EU, which grow more serious year by year. Methods. The methodological framework comprises the historical logic, dialectical principles, scientific abstraction method. The process and system approach was especially important for justifying the implementation of the above steps. It was used to examine foreign economic relations of partners in the European Union. Results. The article sets forth the theoretical and methodological framework for the geostrategic economic bloc, including a conceptual structure model. I present steps to implement a foreign economic cooperation of partners in the EU in terms of its form. Conclusions and Relevance. Should the form of the foreign economic relations among the EU countries be implemented, counties at the periphery of the EU will be able to become active parties to the integration group.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3 (2017)) ◽  
pp. 261-283
Author(s):  
Evangelos Siskos ◽  
Konstantia Darvidou

Most European Union and Black Sea Economic Cooperation countries are net importers of petroleum and natural gas. Searching for new deposits and construction of new pipelines can improve energy security in the region. The problem is topical for Greece which has a developed refinery industry and needs to improve its trade balance to repay the accumulated external and public debt. Several new pipeline initiatives through Greece can support relations between the EU and BSEC countries. The paper provides previous research review about energy dependency and the effects of trade, production and transportation of hydrocarbons. Next we provide analysis of the effect of the trade on balance of payments in both the EU and BSeC countries. Import dependency of GDP on oil and natural gas is especially large in Malta, Georgia, Ukraine, Serbia and Latvia. On the other hand Russia and Azerbaijan are large net exporters of hydrocarbons. Then we analyse the impact of mining on labour market and refinery industry development. On average larger value added in mining leads to larger employment at least for males and middle age group of people. But the effect largely varies across countries and time periods. Together with construction of new pipelines growth of extraction can result in dozens of thousands of new jobs in Greece. There is a close link between value added in mining and compensation of employees in that industry. We have found evidence that the clustering effect between mining and manufacture of refined petroleum products and coke exists only in some EU countries.


Author(s):  
В.И. Герасимчук ◽  
V. Gerasymchuk

Глобальные перемены в мировой политике и экономике происходят под решающим влиянием стран «Большой семерки» и БРИКС, придя на смену биполярному миру (США – СССР). После развала СССР каждая из бывших 15 республик, а ныне независимых государств, выстраивает экономические отношения со странами-соседями, международными и региональными объединениями в соответствие со своими стратегическими намерениями. В статье анализируются тенденции социально-экономического развитии Украины и Казахстана в течение 1991-2020гг. Изложены особенности моделей трансформации экономик двух стран. Методологической основой исследования выступает сравнительный ретроспективный анализ происходящих изменений в экономиках обоих государств с применением рейтинговых инструментов и механизмов. Указаны различия в векторах при выборе стратегического партнерства: для Украины – это НАТО, США и ЕС, для Казахстана – ОДКБ, Россия, СНГ и ЕАЭС, а также Китай, США, государства Центральной Азии и ЕС. Обращено внимание на уязвимость национальных экономик от влияния мировых финансовых кризисов, разрывов прежних кооперационных связей, потерей традиционных рынков сбыта, комплекса нерешенных внутренних проблем. Дана оценка экспортного потенциала экономик двух стран; подчеркнута необходимость увеличения в его структуре продукции с высокой добавленной стоимостью. Детально рассмотрены тенденции развития двустороннего торгово-экономического сотрудничества. Предложен комплекс мер по увеличению товарооборота между Украиной и Казахстаном. Global changes in world politics and economy are taking place under the decisive influence of the G7 and BRICS countries, replacing the bipolar world (USA - USSR). After the collapse of the USSR, each of the former 15 republics, now independent states, is building economic relations with neighboring countries, international and regional associations in accordance with their strategic intentions. The article analyzes the trends in the socio-economic development of Ukraineand Kazakhstanduring 1991-2020. The features of the models of transformation of the economies of the two countries are stated. The methodological basis of the study is a comparative retrospective analysis of the ongoing changes in the economies of both countries using rating instruments and mechanisms. Differences in vectors when choosing a strategic partnership are indicated: for Ukraine, these are NATO, the USA and the EU, for Kazakhstan– the CSTO, Russia, the CIS and the EAEU, as well as China, the USA, the Central Asian states and the EU. Attention is drawn to the vulnerability of national economies to the impact of global financial crises, breaks of previous cooperation ties, loss of traditional sales markets, and a set of unresolved internal problems. The assessment of the export potential of the economies of the two countries is given; emphasized the need to increase its structure of products with high added value. Trends in the development of bilateral trade and economic cooperation are examined in detail. A set of measures has been proposed to increase trade between Ukraineand Kazakhstan.


Author(s):  
Jasminka Varnalieva ◽  
Nehat Ramadani

The purpose of this paper is to explore the status of economic cooperation among countries in the South East Europe (SEE) with particular attention on the cooperation between Macedonia and Albania. In line with the SEE 2020 Strategy adopted by the EU aspiring countries in 2013, increased intra-regional cooperation among the countries should be used as a preparation for a smooth and faster European and Euro-Atlantic integration. This paper provides an in-depth analysis and statistics of the overall economic cooperation, trade patterns and capital movement among the countries and identifies major obstacles for increased cooperation that could result in higher economic growth rates. The paper concludes that while the cooperation among countries of former Yugoslavia is stronger, the level of cooperation between Macedonia and Albania is still very low and could be significantly increased provided certain policy instruments are implemented.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 689-712
Author(s):  
Pasha L. Hsieh

AbstractThis article re-examines the theories of recognition and non-recognition in the context of the evolving framework of the European Union (EU)’s trade and investment relations with Taiwan from legal and international relations perspectives. Notwithstanding its one-China policy, the EU has developed a pragmatic approach to engaging Taiwan under bilateral consultations and World Trade Organization negotiations that have built the foundation for the bilateral investment agreement (BIA). The article argues that since the 1980s, the EU has accorded diverse forms of recognition to Taiwan and the BIA will buttress the process. To substantiate the contention, the article systemically explores the political and trade policies of European states and EU institutions in line with their strategies toward cross-strait relations.By deciphering the new momentum that has galvanized the European Commission’s strategy towards the EU-Taiwan BIA, the research sheds light on the implications of European Parliament resolutions and the EU’s investment talks with China. The structure and impact of the BIA are also analysed in light of EU investment protection agreements with Singapore and Vietnam. Hence, the findings contribute to the interdisciplinary study of international law and international relations and enhance the understanding of the EU’s Asia-Pacific trade and investment agreements.


2020 ◽  
pp. 107-123
Author(s):  
Boris Litwin

With the 2019 EU–China Strategic Outlook, the EU has revalidated its dual perspective on China as cooperation partner and strategic competitor at the same time. So far, considerations of China in EU and EU Member States have primarily focused on economic questions. However, as China‘s foreign policy becomes more assertive and visible via military deployments in the EU‘s geopolitical neighbourhood, the EU needs to confront this challenge by giving appropriate and concrete political responses in a geostrategic context as well. Based on the concept of „coopetition“, this article provides an analysis and subsequent recommendations on how the EU can integrate the “China factor” in its Common Security and Defence Policy, while ensuring that a balance of cooperation and competition in EU’s China policy is retained


Significance However, since then, Rome has become increasingly hawkish over China, a shift which has intensified under Prime Minister Mario Draghi’s period in office. Draghi has already blocked three Chinese acquisitions of Italian firms this year, and stated he will assess Italy’s future participation in the BRI. Impacts Beijing’s decision to impose economic sanctions on Lithuania will put pressure on the EU to adopt a tougher China policy. EU fiscal and monetary support should reduce the appeal of hard-line Eurosceptism in Italy. Italy will be slow to advance projects envisaged under the 2019 MoU, although a future economic downturn could alter the dynamics.


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