DEVELOPMENT TRENDS AND PROSPECTS OF ECONOMIC AND TRADE COOPERATION BETWEEN CHINA AND UKRAINE

2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (6) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Zhang DONGYANG ◽  

The status and prospects of development of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and China are considered. It is proved that bilateral cooperation in the trade and economic sphere has made significant progress. In 2012–2017, China was the second largest trading partner of Ukraine after Russia. However, the problem of imbalance in imports and exports between Ukraine and China has not yet been resolved. In addition, the scale and number of projects in which Ukraine attracts Chinese investment is much less than investments from European countries and the United States. It is justified that trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and China is at a new historical stage. On the one hand, Ukraine signed the Association Agreement with the European Union, and on January 1, 2016, the rules of the free trade zone between Ukraine and the EU entered into force. This helps to accelerate the integration of Ukrainian economy into European one. On the other hand, the global economic downturn requires the introduction of innovations in the model of cooperation. The Chinese initiative “One belt is one way” is one of the variants of the innovation model of cooperation. Its significance is to unite the Asia-Pacific region with the EU in order to join the Eurasian Economic Union, create a new space and opportunities for development and achieve prosperity with the Eurasian countries. All this forms unprecedented opportunities for development of bilateral economic and trade relations. It seems that to fully open the potential of Ukrainian economy and expand bilateral trade and economic cooperation, it is necessary to take into account such proposals as the establishment of the Sino-Ukrainian industrial park, the promotion of cooperation in the field of electronic commerce, the formation of the Sino-Ukrainian free trade zone and enhanced interaction within multilateral mechanisms (for example, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the interaction of China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the 16 + 1 format).

2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 92-95
Author(s):  
Kathleen Claussen

These remarks are derived from a forthcoming work considering the future of international trade law. Compared with most features of the international legal system, the regional and bilateral trade law system is in the early stages of its evolution. For example, the United States is a party to fourteen free trade agreements currently in force, all but two of which have entered into force since 2000. The recent proliferation of agreements, particularly bilateral and regional agreements, is not unique to the United States. The European Union recently concluded trade agreement negotiations with Canada, Singapore, and Vietnam to add to its twenty-seven agreements in force and is negotiating approximately ten additional bilateral or multilateral agreements. In the Asia-Pacific Region, the number of regional and bilateral free trade agreements has grown exponentially since the conclusion of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area of 1992. At that time, the region counted five such agreements in force. Today, the number totals 140 with another seventy-nine under negotiation or awaiting entry into force. The People's Republic of China is negotiating half a dozen bilateral trade agreements at present to top off the sixteen already in effect. India likewise is engaged in at least ten trade agreement negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports 267 agreements of this sort in force among its members as of July 1, 2016.


Author(s):  
Susanne Gratius

Since 1957, the European Union (EU) has been a constant and reliable partner of Latin America, on the one hand, and the Caribbean, on the other. It still offers a unique model of idealist interregionalism based on the promotion of its own integration model, combined with limited economic interests, soft power and, more recently, shared global visions such as sustainable development, Compared with the two bigger external actors, the United States and China, the EU is a normative actor that complements and sometimes counterbalances (in the cases of Brazil, Cuba, and Mexico) relations with the dominant power. Although, in relative terms, trade exchanges have declined since the 1990s, Latin America and the EU share a solid network of multilevel and contractual relations integrated by political dialogue, development cooperation, and investment flows. The EU signed free trade agreements plus (dialogue and cooperation) with Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, the Caribbean, and Central America. In June 2019 finalized a twenty year process of free trade negotiations between the EU and MERCOSUR. Once in force and approved by EU institutions and the four South American states, the EU-MERCOSUR association agreement will reactivate trade exchange grounded on economic, political, social and cultural cooperation between state and non-state actors. Nonetheless, it remains unclear if the 32 states involved in the mixed agreement (European Commission’s exclusive trade competences plus EU member states) will approve the deal in a foreseeable future.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacopo Torriti ◽  
Ragnar Lofstedt

In times of low economic growth and post-Copenhagen climate talks, a number of reasons for regulatory competition and cooperation between the United States and the European Union coexist. This paper discusses the role of Impact Assessment between the US and the EU on responses to the economic downturn and climate change. It is argued that, in the future, IAs will be an instrument through which it will be possible to read the level of cooperation and competition between the US and the EU, particularly on economic trade and environmental regulation.


Author(s):  
Pasha L. Hsieh

Abstract The article examines the theoretical concept of interregionalism in the context of the evolving framework between the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). As the EU’s first free trade agreement (FTA) with an ASEAN country, the EU-Singapore FTA is a pathfinder agreement that signifies a new phase of interregionalism and the EU’s new Asia strategy after the Treaty of Lisbon. The article argues that the innovative designs of the EU-Singapore FTA will shape the normative development of EU-ASEAN relations in the post-pandemic era. It also cautions that a comparative analysis of EU and US agreements reveals deficiencies in the FTA that require remedies. To buttress the contention, key provisions on ASEAN cumulative rules of origin, banking and legal services and non-tariff barriers are analysed in light of contemporary Asian agreements. The research further provides insight into the effectiveness of new-generation rules on geographical indications, competition, and investor-state arbitration and mediation. Hence, the findings contribute to the understanding of interregionalism and the EU’s Asia-Pacific trade and investment agreements from global and interdisciplinary perspectives.


Author(s):  
Chris Bachmann

Canada has recently made progress with several free trade agreements (FTAs), and although the government has carried out considerable analysis of their potential impact on the Canadian economy, little to no work has been done to assess the potential impact on Canada's transportation system. The objective of the research was to estimate the impacts of recent and forthcoming FTAs on Canada's domestic trade infrastructure. This study extended a typical computable general equilibrium simulation of an FTA by estimating high-level domestic supply chain characteristics (i.e., subnational region of origin or destination, sub-national region of exit or entry, international transportation mode, port of clearance) and by converting the resulting trade flows to freight flows measured in tonnage. The results indicate that the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the European Union (EU) may have had large impacts on Canada's Continental and Atlantic Gateways, especially at the Port of Montreal, Quebec, as a result of trade creation with the EU. CETA also has had impacts on various crossings at the U.S. border as a result of trade diversion with the United States. Simulations, however, suggested that the Canada–Korea Free Trade Agreement has had relatively small impacts, mostly concentrated in the Asia-Pacific Gateway, particularly at the Port of Vancouver, British Columbia. Although the impacts were FTA-specific, this research demonstrated the need to consider FTAs in commodity forecasting and freight transportation planning, because they could make sizable changes to future freight flows on domestic transportation infrastructure.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 181-187
Author(s):  
Roman Korsak ◽  
Vasyl Ilnytskyi ◽  
Ivan Hodia

The article’s purpose is in a complex manner to analyse Ukrainian-Czech economic cooperation throughout 2000-2017, particularly, in the sphere of economic diplomacy, trade, and tourism. The research methods. The methodological base for a systemic research into Ukrainian-Czech economic cooperation consists of general scientific principles and postulates, as also a wide spectrum of methods, which passed into the theory of international relations from philosophy, gnoseology, ontology, axiology, dialectics, logic, history, and other particular sciences. The results. It has been proved that the bilateral cooperation under consideration depended on the Ukrainian-Czech contract-legal base coordination level, which regulated their mutual relations, repayment prospects of Ukraine’s “Yamburg debt” to the Czech Republic, the scope of cooperation of each of the countries with the European Union, and level of tourist attraction. The main long-term economic interests of Ukraine in its relations with the Czech Republic were such: the development of an economic dialogue, the realization of the common Ukrainian-Czech economic and investment projects, and cooperation in tourism development. The economically-advisory dialogue between Ukraine and the Czech Republic, according to their bilateral interstate agreements, was carried out by the Ukrainian-Czech Commission on trade and economic cooperation, the Working group on the liberalization of their mutual trade, and by other institutional bodies. The expert consultations about the cooperation in the areas of tourism, power engineering, agriculture, banking, and other social components made up an effective form of economic dialogue. The signed inter-governmental and inter-departmental contract-legal certificates became an effective result of positive economic cooperation. The most active work in this direction was done on the eve and in the first years of Czechia’s membership in the European Union. Despite much work done, it did not bring about the possibility to solve problem questions and to eliminate existing barriers in the bilateral trade. After Czechia’s joining the EU, the improvement of a trading mode between the two countries rests within the plane of agreements and the development of a necessary contract-legal base with the EU. Conclusion. The bilateral economic cooperation between Ukraine and the Czech Republic has every prospect for further intensification, especially, in the sphere of statistics of the bilateral trade and economic relations, in Ukraine’s fulfilment of its commitments provided by “Yamburg agreements”, and in the popularizations of Ukraine’s positive tourist image.


Author(s):  
Ірина Борисівна Чичкало-Кондрацька ◽  
Анастасія Олегівна Власюк ◽  
Дарія Сергіївна Кондрацька

The article is devoted to the study of the real state and consequences of deepening of economic cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the conditions of implementation of the Association Agreement. The state of implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union is considered on the basis of the study of official government reports and the results of independent experts' studies. The analysis of the current state, structure, tendencies and peculiarities of trade cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of the European Union is conducted. The influence of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the EU is determined. Particular attention is paid to the problems of Ukrainian companies entering the EU market and the use of duty-free tariff quotas.


Author(s):  
Hitoshi Suzuki ◽  
Yu Suzuki ◽  
Yoshimi Igawa

Japan and the European Union have historically developed relations, from trade conflicts to mutual cooperation between global actors. Japan’s prewar attitude and postwar rapid reconstruction caused misunderstandings and frictions, but these were gradually overcome thanks to the efforts made by Japan, the European Commission and member state governments. After the Cold War ended, policy fields of cooperation expanded from “mutual” market liberalization to foreign direct investments, aid, security, and environment. Japan and the EU jointly aided the newly liberalized countries in Central Eastern Europe, while the EU sought to strengthen its relations with countries in the Asia-Pacific. The Japan–EU Economic Partnership Agreement and the Strategic Partnership Agreement of 2018 were signed on the 50th anniversary of the customs union. The Agreements are jointly aimed by both parties to foster global free trade and shared values. For the first time in postwar history, Japan and the EU had reached an agreement before achieving one with the United States. Japan–EU relations are the strongest they have been since 1959 when the Japanese Mission to the European Communities and the European Commission Delegation to Japan were established. But the security threats in the Pacific indicate that bilateral relations between Japan and member states—the United Kingdom and France at the forefront—are still in play. The impact of Brexit, estimated to be felt more on the Japanese side, is also an issue requiring close study.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Pennisi di Floristella

With the launch of Barack Obama’s strategic rebalance to Asia-Pacific, there has been a widening of the United States’ military, economic, and diplomatic presence in the Southeast Asian region. Likewise, it is clear that Southeast Asia is currently a region of relevant interest for both the United States and the European Union (EU). Surprisingly, however, up to the present, a systematic comparison of their approaches in the region has been largely lacking. To fill this void, this article compares US and EU interests, strategies, and main instruments of cooperation in Southeast Asia. Special attention is paid to the main developments that occurred in the United States, from Obama’s announcement of a strategic rebalance to Asia-Pacific to Donald Trump’s National Security Strategy, and in the EU, with the release there of the 2012 “Updated East Asia Policy Guidelines.” Examining whether the EU and the United States are moving towards a greater convergence of intent is of crucial importance for identifying opportunities for the further development of the transatlantic relationship in Southeast Asia. This article argues, though, that despite some apparent common traits in the US’s and the EU’s intentions, their strategies and instruments ultimately differ substantially – reflecting divergent paths. This creates crucial impediments to any further development of transatlantic cooperation in Southeast Asia.


Ekonomia ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Adriana Kalicka-Mikołajczyk

Deepen and congeneric free trade area — a new form of business collaboration of the European Union with its neighbours from Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus within the European Neighbourhood Policy The European Neighbourhood Policy ENP was developed in 2004, with the objective of avoiding of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its neighbours and strengthening the prosperity, stability and security of all participants. Within the ENP the European Union offers its neighbours a privileged relationship building upon a mutual commitment to common values, political association and deeper economic integration. The ENP links partner countries with the EU’s internal market and its social and economic model. For partners, this means adopting basic rules on equal opportunities, economic participation and fair competition. The ENP builds upon the legal agreements in place between the EU and the partner countries: Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements. Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova signed Association Agreements with the EU on 27 June 2014. The deep and comprehensive free trade agreement is part of a new generation of Association Agreements with eastern partner countries which provides a long-term foundation for future economic relations with the European Union. It was agreed that Association Agreement should take an ambitious and innovative approach, include a deep and comprehensive free trade area and go qualitatively beyond the current Partnership and Cooperation Agreement wherever possible. It contains binding, rule-based provisions and cooperation developed further than in traditional agreements and it is wide-ranging, covering all areas of interest. The deep and comprehensive free trade area is part of the Association Agreement which offer a new framework for modernising partner countries trade relations and for economic development by the opening of markets via the progressive removal of customs tariffs and quotas, and by an extensive harmonisation of laws, norms and regulations in various trade-related sectors, creating the conditions for aligning key sectors of the eastern partners economy to European Union standards. The deep and comprehensive free trade areas are expected to bring many economic benefits for Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine by offering businesses access to the EU’s single market — the largest in the world.


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