scholarly journals Public policies against criminal assets in mexico: challenges and opportunities from the north border states

Author(s):  
Pedro R. Torres Estrada ◽  
Juan C. Montero Bagatella ◽  
Carlos Vázquez Ferrel ◽  
Sylvia C. García Mariño

AbstractGiven its vast border with the United States, Mexico is a strategic trade and economic development region, which creates significant challenges in combating crime and violence. In recent years, Mexico´s federal and state governments have focused their efforts on the development of strategies to combat and weaken the criminal structures operating in the country by using legal instruments such as seizure, abandonment, and extinction of domain. This study seeks to identify the challenges faced by the states of Baja California, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Sonora, and Tamaulipas in their efforts to combat crime through the collection of primary and secondary data and interviews with key actors. Mexico faces major challenges in the development of public policies to fortify the legal precepts of extinction of domain, in addition to fostering institutional links with the Financial and Patrimonial Intelligence Units of Mexico's northern Border States. There are few studies about subnational efforts for asset forfeiture as a policy instrument against criminal elements in developing countries. The Mexican case presents important subnational efforts to improve security strategies that may provide guidance for other subnational governments or regions that may be facing similar challenges or are pursuing parallel initiatives.

PMLA ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 127 (4) ◽  
pp. 835-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra A. Castillo

When i was invited to participate in this special issue, it was suggested that I meditate on a long-term research project I did in collaboration with the public-health scholar María Gudelia Rangel Gómez and the demographer Armando Rosas Solís, on people working in prostitution in Tijuana, a city on the United States–Mexico border. That work began in the 1990s and continued through the middle of the last decade, producing three articles on women and two on transvestite sex workers.1 Looking over the raw survey data and interview transcripts in preparation for this article impressed on me once again how these people are engaged in what Saskia Sassen calls “survival circuits” between the global South and global cities like Los Angeles and Tijuana, some of them located in the North, some not. These sex workers come from all over the Mexican Republic, migrating to Tijuana—a city both Third World and global—for reasons of economic necessity, and often their stories include low-wage labor in the United States as well as participation in the informal economy in the northern border area to supplement (or mask) their primary income. Regardless of other factors, the people we surveyed and interviewed express an understanding that to live means to work and that the work they are doing is precisely work: not organized labor, not a career path. They know that their bodies are made marginal or invisible and their voices go unheard. At the same time, while their lives may seem unimaginably harsh to many of us, in their stories they often present themselves as rational actors, making the best choices they can from among limited options for themselves and their families.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
pp. 37-57
Author(s):  
José G. Vargas Hernández ◽  
Jorge Armando López Lemus

The objective of this document is to establish some scenarios for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) based on a critical analysis of the provisions in the renegotiation of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), its challenges and opportunities. The critical analysis starts from the questionable position of USMCA’s withdrawal and its consequences for SMEs of not giving continuity through a renegotiation process between the three partners. Based on some sources of information, the study of the results of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the USMCA, and the strategic review of their challenges and opportunities for SMEs, some possible scenarios are established after the renegotiation of the USMCA, as well as some strategic proposals for SMEs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-159 ◽  

A twenty-four-year-old agreement was reborn on October 1, 2018, when President Trump announced that the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) had been successfully renegotiated. The deal came after an arduous, year-long negotiation process that almost left Canada behind. As one indicator of its contentiousness, the deal lacks an agreed-upon name, but the United States is referring to it as the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA). It keeps some key NAFTA provisions mostly the same, including with respect to state-to-state dispute resolution, but eliminates, modifies, and adds other provisions. Among the changes: investor-state dispute settlement has been eliminated as between the United States and Canada; rules of origin for automobiles and rules for U.S. dairy products have been modified; and new provisions address labor protections, intellectual property rights, rights for indigenous persons, rules for trade negotiations with non-market countries, and the agreement's termination. The agreement was formally signed by the leaders of all three countries on November 30, 3018. It must be approved through the domestic ratification procedures of the three countries before it enters into force.


Author(s):  
Gustavo A. Flores-Macías ◽  
Mariano Sánchez-Talanquer

When the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) came into force on January 1st, 1994, it created the largest free trade area in the world, and the one with the largest gaps in development between member countries. It has since served as a framework for trilateral commercial exchange and investment between Canada, Mexico, and the United States. NAFTA’s consequences have been mixed. On the positive side, the total value of trade in the region reached $1.1 trillion in 2016, more than three times the amount in 1994, and total foreign direct investment among member countries also grew significantly. However, the distribution of benefits has been very uneven, with exposure to international competition reducing economic opportunity and increasing insecurity for certain sectors in all three countries. Twenty-four years later, the three countries renegotiated the terms of NAFTA and renamed it the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA). The negotiation responded in part to the need to modernize the agreement, but mostly to President Donald Trump’s concerns about NAFTA’s effect on the U.S. economy and the fairness of its terms. Although the revised agreement incorporated rules that modernize certain aspects of the institutional framework, some new provisions also make trade and investment relations in North America more uncertain.


2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 478-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julián Alfredo Fernández-Niño ◽  
Carlos Jacobo Ramírez-Valdés ◽  
Diego Cerecero-Garcia ◽  
Ietza Bojorquez-Chapela

OBJECTIVE To describe the health status and access to care of forced-return Mexican migrants deported through the Mexico-United States border and to compare it with the situation of voluntary-return migrants. METHODS Secondary data analysis from the Survey on Migration in Mexico’s Northern Border from 2012. This is a continuous survey, designed to describe migration flows between Mexico and the United States, with a mobile-population sampling design. We analyzed indicators of health and access to care among deported migrants, and compare them with voluntary-return migrants. Our analysis sample included 2,680 voluntary-return migrants, and 6,862 deportees. We employ an ordinal multiple logistic regression model, to compare the adjusted odds of having worst self-reported health between the studied groups. RESULTS As compared to voluntary-return migrants, deportees were less likely to have medical insurance in the United States (OR = 0.05; 95%CI 0.04;0.06). In the regression model a poorer self-perceived health was found to be associated with having been deported (OR = 1.71, 95%CI 1.52;1.92), as well as age (OR = 1.03, 95%CI 1.02;1.03) and years of education (OR = 0.94 95%CI 0.93;0.95). CONCLUSIONS According to our results, deportees had less access to care while in the United States, as compared with voluntary-return migrants. Our results also showed an independent and statistically significant association between deportation and having poorer self-perceived health. To promote the health and access to care of deported Mexican migrants coming back from the United States, new health and social policies are required.


1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 120-123
Author(s):  
No'am G. Seligman ◽  
Abraham Blum ◽  
Joseph Morin ◽  
Jacob Amir

AbstractAgriculture in Israel is practiced throughout the country from the Arava Valley in the South, where average annual rainfall is less than 40 mm, to the Upper Galilee in the North, where annual rainfall exceeds 700 mm. Less than half the cultivated area used for field crops is irrigated. Much of the output is exponed, primarily to Europe, but some to the United States and Japan. In nonirrigated dry-farming areas, the main crops grown are wheat for grain and silage and several secondary crops, including sunflower, watermelons and hay legumes. Animal production is predominantly intensive dairying (mainly cows, but also sheep and goats), poultry production, and aquaculture, all of which use large quantities of imported feed grains. Beef production is largely from dairy bullocks, but includes an important rangeland beef sector. Problems that face Israeli agriculture in general and dryland agriculture in particular are primarily economic, including low prices for many traditional dryland crops, a small local market, and increasing input costs. The changing socioeconomic scene, reflected by decreasing employment in agriculture, has added to the problems of proper land use. There is an urgent need for more appropriate production systems and associated innovative research and development. This includes management for higher output/input ratios, conservation and enhancement of genetic resources, crop diversification, integration of crop and livestock production, and alternative land use options such as agroforestry, recreation, ecological refuges, and landscape enhancement. These challenges are common to most countries in the Middle East, and offer opportunities for regional and international collaboration to improve the sustainability of agriculture in the region.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (9) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Viktorija Tauraitė

Relevance of the research.The allocation of world export between countries, groups of countries isrelevant not onlyat thetheoretical level butat thepracticallevel,too. Benefit of export isemphasizedforboththe economic growth ofacountry, development and individualentrepreneurs (Jatuliavičienė, 2009). Theimportance of the dynamic analysis of the World export can be justified on the basis of empirical research. Forexample, World Trade Organization (2015) analyses the key tendencies of international trade in 1995–2014,United Nations ConferenceonTrade and Development (2015) also investigates the key aspects of internationaltrade, statistics,etc.In 2015, N. Halevi(2015)exploresthe characteristics of export, its volume,etc.,between20 OECD countries in 2007 and other research. Hence, it is important to continue the analysis of world exporttendencies inthepast, present and future.The object of the researchis the world’s export.The problem of the research:howdidthe world’sexport changein11 countries, group of countries at pre-crisis, crisis and post-crisis periods and what are thefuture perspectives in the context of export?The aim of the researchis to carry outthe analysis ofthe world’s export dynamicsin11 countries(EU28, Russia, Canada, the United States, Mexico, Brazil, China (except Hong Kong), Japan, South Korea,India, Singapore)in2 aspects: (1) time (pre-crisis(2002–2007), crisis(2008–2010)and post-crisis(2011–2014)periods); (2) countries, group of countries. Furthermore, the aim is to provideaforecast of the world’sexport in 2015. In order toachievethe aim, we formulated3 main tasks of the research:1)to present the methodology of the research, providing study limitations;2)to carry out the world’s export dynamic analysis and present the forecast of it;3)tosummarizethe main points of the dynamic analysis identifying the potential directions for futureresearch.According to previous studies (e.g. United Nations ConferenceonTrade and Development,2015;World Trade Organization, 2015 et al.), this research is carried out by usingtwo methods: comparativestatistical analysis and forecast. The novelty of this research is related with the methodology of this research:the dynamic analysis is carried outin2ways: by the aspect of time (pre-crisis, crisis and post-crisis periods);(2) by the aspect of countries, group of countries. The secondary data of Eurostat database (2002–2014) wereused in this article.Outcomes and conclusions.It was found that the volume of the export was decreasing in post-crisisperiod and in the future (2015). The opposite trend (export was increasing) was observed in pre-crisis period.On the other hand, the world’s export was increasing in EU28, Russia, South Korea, India, China, Brazil in2002–2014. Moreover,itwas found out that the world’s export was decreasing in Canada, USA, Mexico,Singapore and Japan in 2002–2014.


Author(s):  
Keith Banting ◽  
Jack Nagel ◽  
Chelsea Schafer ◽  
Daniel Westlake

This chapter asks whether standard theories of differences between Canada and the United States (U.S.) can explain disparities in critical social and political outcomes in the two countries. On six measures of system performance (homicides, infant mortality, poverty, economic inequality, voter turnout, and women legislators) Canada consistently delivers far better outcomes than the U.S., but examination of subnational variation reveals a more complex pattern. Most indicators differ more among U.S. states than among Canadian provinces. Within the U.S., outcomes in the northern tier of states usually resemble those in neighboring Canada more closely than they do the rest of the U.S., especially the South, which performs worst by every measure. Standard institutional and cultural theories of differences between the countries cannot explain regional variation within the U.S. nor the similarity of Northern Border states to Canada. Although obvious differences between Canadian and U.S. political institutions help account for greater homogeneity among provinces, explaining the overall pattern may require invoking such causes as climate, ethnic diversity, size of political units, and subnational political cultures.


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