scholarly journals Reformulation of knowledge: epistemological reading of Soviet Marxism in the post-Soviet times

Author(s):  
Maria Chehonadskih

AbstractThe paper questions an official narrative of Soviet Marxism that had been formulated both by the Bolshevik leaders and the Western European Marxists. It proposes to shift the discussion from a historically constituted understanding of Soviet Marxism as a partisanship of theory to the epistemic conditions of Marxism after the October Revolution. The paper argues that a post-revolutionary Soviet logic assumes that theory should start where Marx ended and that it should act in a Marxist fashion across all conceptual and practical realms. Instead of asking ‘how’, the Soviet thought returns to the old pre-critical question of ‘what is’, and reformulates this ‘what is’ in the Marxist post-critical terms. Constructing a new critical concept of Soviet Marxism, the paper proceeds with the analysis of the post-critical status of knowledge after the revolution and recovers forgotten and repressed epistemological alternatives to orthodox Bolshevism.

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Wiebe ◽  
Pauline Sameshima

In this paper, we use Sameshima’s Parallaxic Praxis Model to create collaborative poetry. The model invites juxtaposing articulations to generate alternative thinking. Similar to Daignault's (1992) notion of a “thinking maybe" space, we invite readers into what we call a liminal studio to theorize new understandings of social justice. In the data phases for this project, Viet Thanh Nguyen’s (2015) The Sympathizer served as a play object: The narrator, the sympathizer, is a captured communist spy in the aftermath of the Vietnam war, and his confession (the novel) considers a critical question for understanding social justice: “What is more important than independence and freedom?” Nguyen refuses simplistic overtures of social justice. Instead, readers are confronted with questions: “What do those who struggle against power do when they seize power? What does the revolutionary do when the revolution triumphs? Why do those who call for independence and freedom take away the independence and freedom of others?” (p. 178). These questions lead us to the frame of our own ten-part poem, the modern scholar under interrogation. Our poetry reframes social justice as the art of being/nothing, the something of nothingness being a language of resistance for a reimagined politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš

This chapter begins with a small group of conspirators of a communist cell that were attending the Eighth Conference of the Zagreb party organization. It mentions Josip Broz as the organizing secretary of the Zagreb party organization who openly presented the struggle that was initiated and controlled by Moscow. Later, Broz will become a famous statesman known as Marshal Tito. The chapter discusses the communist strategy after the October Revolution, in which protagonists of the conflict were Joseph Stalin and eight other members of the Politburo of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). It also refers to Comrade Trotsky, the “prophet of the revolution” and Stalin's chief antagonist, who thinks that all revolutionaries in the world should be supported, including the Chinese communists who were inciting the Shanghai proletariat to rise up in arms.


Author(s):  
Frederick H. White

One of Russia’s greatest twentieth-century poets, Aleksander Aleksandrovich Blok (1880–1921) was a representative of the ‘second wave’ of Russian Symbolists. Two books of poetry, Verses on a Beautiful Lady (1904) and Inadvertent Joy (1907), and his lyric drama, The Showbooth, staged in 1906, made him famous. Paradoxically, Blok began to openly mock his former Symbolist ideals after 1905, even as he was considered by many to be the leader of Russian Symbolism. In particular, Blok was concerned with the widening gulf between the common people and the intelligentsia. As his disillusionment deepened, his poetry was haunted by a sense of imminent catastrophe. Therefore, his initial response to the revolution of 1917 was positive, seeing in it an apocalyptic moment that would bring renewal and regeneration after a period of chaos and destruction. This idea was realized in his poem The Twelve (1918) which celebrates the October Revolution and placed Christ at the head of a gang of Red Army soldiers. Blok, however, soon realized that the Bolsheviks would not embody the revolutionary ideals that he wished to support, causing him to become disenchanted and deeply depressed. Blok only lived for another three and a half years, dying in August 1921.


2009 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-229
Author(s):  

AbstractMany painful ideological problems existing in contemporary Russia are determined by the inadequacy of perception of the country's revolutionary past. This misperception stems from both the consequences of the decades-long mythologization of the October Revolution and its leaders and from the more recent attempts to get rid of the dependence on Bolshevik propaganda. Contemporary historic memory in Russia is beset with one major contradiction: the desire to part with the myth, and the inability to do so. Although, traditionally, images of the past are usually adapted in order to suit the needs of modernity, this task has become much easier in contemporary society with its powerful mass media fitted with visual networks. Historic memory, previously shaped by legends, folklore, rites and rituals, now comes under relentless fire from the dilettantes pretending to have discovered some "true" vision of the past, and illustrating this vision by incongruous video footage. As a result, images of the past inevitably lose their former edifying role and become a means of inculcation by propagating political and moral stereotypes advantageous to the authorities. The wave of discussions on the Russian Revolution, which rose in connection with its current anniversary, was yet another indication that today's ideologists, with their inept denunciations, are only aggravating the trauma inflicted on social conscience.


1971 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 311-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. V. Bennett

The Revolution of 1688 began for the clergy of the Church of England an era of grave crisis. It was not merely that the deposition of James II had posed for many of them a critical question of conscience. More serious were the effects of the Toleration Act of 1689 which quickly showed themselves in diminished attendances at church, and in a marked decline in the authority and status of the parish priest. By its literal provisions the act permitted dissenters a bare liberty to worship in their own way; but, as interpreted by successive administrations and by the great majority of the laity, it effected an ecclesiastical revolution. Although various statutes required all Englishmen to attend their parish-church each Sunday, and though the act merely permitted them to go to a meeting-house instead, it was widely held after 1689 that church-attendance was voluntary. The ecclesiastical courts continued to exercise their traditional jurisdiction in matrimonial, probate, and faculty causes, and over the clergy; but their coercive authority over the morals and religious duties of the laity became virtually impossible to enforce.


Author(s):  
N. Pidmohylna

The article deals with the specific means and ways of expressiveness and pathos expression of publicism in two publicistic works of A.T. Averchenko – “A Dozen knives in the back of the revolution” and “Twelve portraits (in the format of "boudoir")”. The fixation and analysis of various expression forms of the author`s attitude to people and events, which are described, admissible and possible only in publicism, such as scattered in the text in the form of lapidar comments or lexical characteristics all over its space as well as implications and peculiarities of architectonics, all this gives grounds to introduce a new term. This new term – “publicistem” – would make it possible to define publicistic expressiveness. The introduction of the term will contribute to the economy of lexical means while analyzing publicistic works and will let us find out both similar and different features in the paradigm of such works.The works “A Dozen knives in the back of the revolution” and “Twelve portraits (in the format of "boudoir")” were being created almost simultaneously at the beginning of the 1920-s, in the period when the emigrant-writer, who left Russia, gradually switches from a funny genre, a witty story, to publicism as a from which gives opportunity for the direct, critical expression of your own attitude to the events happening in Motherland. It is well-known that Averchenko had a deeply negative attitude to the revolutionary events, and to the October revolution in particular. These two works are similar not only due to their publicistic tension but also due to the similarity of themes and even some “characters”. However, the first work includes feuilletons, whereas the second contains pamphlets. The stories written by Averchenko after October 1917 may have been considered by the author as those that do not clearly express his civic stand. If this supposition is right, then it is clear why Averchenko works actively in publicism during his last years.The results we want to reach and the ways to reach them are illustrated with the examples from publicistic works written by Averchenko in the 1920-s. They are connected with the projections of the set up theoretic hypothesis onto the specificity of feuilleton texts.


Monitor ISH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Bernard Nežmah

The paper discusses the phenomenon of the October Revolution through the prism of Lenin’s article The State and Revolution, which describes and anticipates the mechanisms of revolutionary action intended to eliminate the exploitation of the working class and to establish a more just social order. The study compares Lenin’s theory with his revolutionary practice by accentuating the concept of ‘the curbing of capitalists’, illuminated by and examined through a series of synchronic and diachronic perspectives, which ultimately led to the formation of the term ‘enemy of the people’ (‘class enemy’). At the same time, it attempts to define and historically determine the actual duration of the October Revolution. The second part of the paper applies the concept of ‘curbing’ to the situation of artists within the Bolshevik state. Thus it presents a range of artists’ attitudes to the Revolution, which had lumped critical and independent artists together with capitalists as ‘enemies of the people’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 142-157
Author(s):  
Niyazi Ayhan

The article focuses on the revolutionary narrative in the TV series Trotsky, which was released on the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution. Therefore, the general purpose of the study is to reveal the meaning of the October revolution in present-day Russia. A new reality has been tried to be constructed through the criticism of the cinematographic narrative and the method of planning and realizing the revolution.


Author(s):  
Jay Bergman

With the advent of the Gorbachev era, there emerged a genuine diversity of opinion on the French Revolution, with ‘hardliners’ reiterating the Leninist orthodoxy, and ‘liberals’, most notably Alexander Yakovlev, the actual architect of Gorbachev’s policy of perestroika (‘reconstruction’), arguing publicly—and almost certainly with Gorbachev’s approval and agreement—that the revolution inaugurated a sequence of revolutions in modern history in which the October Revolution, while going well beyond the French Revolution, was itself superseded by the peaceful revolution that was perestroika. A corrective of the worst excrescences of Stalinism, Gorbachev’s policy of ‘reconstruction’ would redirect the course of history, culminating in a humane and liberal (though not necessarily democratic) socialism that was prefigured in the French Revolution and the revolutions in France that followed it.


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