We hate them all? Issue adaptation of extreme right parties in Slovakia 1993–2016

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alena Kluknavská ◽  
Josef Smolík

This article presents electoral developments and mobilization issues of the extreme right political parties between 1993 and 2016. It analyzes the changes in the extreme right discourses and framing strategies in relation to their electoral results. We argue that during the transition to democracy in the 1990s and partially later in the 2000s, the extreme right parties were predominantly focusing on the issues related to national sovereignty and were successful mostly in the context of hostility against groups that could potentially threaten this independence, while their electoral achievements were affected mainly by their internal party stability. In the late 2000s, the extreme right has, however, begun to adopt a strategy that has bridged nationalist, populist and xenophobic discourses, with stronger success during the economic and refugee crises in Europe.

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilde Coffé

A large body of research on political parties is devoted to the family of extreme right parties. Yet, systematic analyses of extreme right parties discourse remain scarce. The present study addresses this gap in the literature by providing a discourse analysis of the Vlaams Belang, one of the most successful extreme right-wing parties in Europe. Moreover, by focusing on this partys economic discourse, the study also sheds new light on the ongoing debate about the economic viewpoints of the new extreme right parties. We conclude that the Vlaams Belangs economic rhetoric is in line with its ethno-linguistic, nationalist standpoints and pleas for a Flemish economic policy. The partys economic programme is built on liberal points of view and seems particularly aimed at attracting (dissatisfied) liberal voters. Importantly, as economic issues remain subordinated to the partys ideological core, it appears that the Vlaams Belang has largely instrumentalised its programme to expand its electorate.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rossella Borri ◽  
Luca Verzichelli

Abstract The appeal to the re-appropriation of national sovereignty has recently become the unifying trait of a heterogeneous group of right-wing parties. The underlying reasoning behind this claim is that globalised elites ignore the needs of the people—defined as a restricted and ethnically homogeneous group of natives—they are supposed to represent. After defining the perimeter of this party cluster, including populist, national conservatives and extreme-right parties, this article explores the extent to which the adoption of similar political platforms might also be reflected in a convergence of parliamentary party articulations. A qualitative account of the evolution of parliamentary representation in a few right-wing parties from Italy, Hungary and the Netherlands shows that a two-way street of institutionalisation might be at play in the complex balance between uncompromising grassroots components and a more pragmatic institutional component.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Karl

In the digital age, the Internet is an important factor in the emergence and success of political parties and social movements. Despite growing evidence that extremists of all stripes use the virtual world for their purposes, research on this topic still lacks a wide array of empirical data, case studies, and theoretical background. In particular, Facebook, as the most important social networking site, is a new tool for political parties and movements to mobilize followers. The article explores how the extreme-right party Jobbik uses this tool more successfully than other Hungarian parties or Western European extreme-right parties. Comparing the growth in followers highlights this success, and a look at how it generates likes helps to explain it. The article argues that Jobbik uses Facebook in a sophisticated way and suggests that this “likable” attitude helps to attract young and first-time voters.


Author(s):  
Christos Vrakopoulos

Abstract This article aims to explain the variation in the electoral support for extreme-right parties (ERPs) in Europe. The extant literature on the far-right party family does not answer this question specifically with regard to the extreme-right variants for two main reasons. Firstly, theories did not expect the electoral success of these parties in post-war Europe due to their anti-democratic profiles and association with fascism. Secondly, despite the fact that they acknowledge the differences between the parties under the far-right umbrella – namely, the extreme and the radical – they normally do not take these differences into account, and if so, they focus on the radical-right parties. This article shows that electoral support for ERPs is associated with low quality of government and highly conservative mainstream-right parties. The former creates political legitimization for anti-democratic parties and the latter ideological normalization of extreme right.


2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-104
Author(s):  
Simona Kustec Lipicer ◽  
Andrija Henjak

The main goal of this paper is to provide a descriptive analytical overview of the existing evolution of the Slovenian parliamentary arena since its transition to democracy and independence. The paper is divided into two main parts: (1) an overview of a normative insight into the parliamentary and party system, and (2) an analytical assessment of the structure of the parliamentary arena as it is reflected in electoral and parties’ choices and policy preferences. A look at the contemporary democratic parliamentary arena in Slovenia shows that it, in itself, has been quite stable, while, on the contrary, its main integral parts – political parties – have gradually become less stable and less predictable, especially in the second decade of democracy, which can potentially influence the future stability of parliamentary arena, too.


2011 ◽  
pp. 94-112
Author(s):  
Sarah Harrison ◽  
Michael Bruter

Author(s):  
Roberto Niembro Ortega

In 2018 Mexicans chose the most profound political change since the transition to democracy. The alternation between political parties in the presidency and the two houses of Congress has meant a change of regime in which a social transformation is announced. The starting point to outlining a constitutional transformation is not a trivial matter, because the proposed change concerns the existing situation. This chapter proposes Roberto Niembro Ortega’s understanding of authoritarian constitutionalism according to the Mexican reality between 2012 and 2018. Its purpose is to understand the sort of authoritarian constitutionalism that existed in those years in Mexico as a starting point to begin a constitutional transformation.


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