The Challenge of Transforming Mexican Authoritarian Constitutionalism

Author(s):  
Roberto Niembro Ortega

In 2018 Mexicans chose the most profound political change since the transition to democracy. The alternation between political parties in the presidency and the two houses of Congress has meant a change of regime in which a social transformation is announced. The starting point to outlining a constitutional transformation is not a trivial matter, because the proposed change concerns the existing situation. This chapter proposes Roberto Niembro Ortega’s understanding of authoritarian constitutionalism according to the Mexican reality between 2012 and 2018. Its purpose is to understand the sort of authoritarian constitutionalism that existed in those years in Mexico as a starting point to begin a constitutional transformation.

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Roberto Niembro O.

In 2018 Mexicans chose the most profound political change since the transition to democracy, leaving behind what in another work I have called authoritarian constitutionalism. The alternation has meant a change of regime in which a social transformation is announced. The transformation can take different paths and must be accompanied by ideas that inspire it. In this frame of mind, popular constitutionalism can be a useful theory in order for the transformation to take a democratic, participative and egalitarian direction, since it fosters political participation and democratic equality. It is time to forego the elitist theories of constitutional law and the minimalist understandings of democracy.


Author(s):  
Filip Pierzchalski

The aim of this paper is to conduct meta-analysis. The author will focus on explaining the multi-dimentional mechanism of aesthetisation of politics. In this understanding, the starting point for scientific explanation of the phenomenon of aesthetisation in public sphere is the mechanism of internalization, expression and sharing aesthetic values for individual and collective political actors. Therefore, aesthetic values in political practices will be defined as crucial factor of political change and meaningful element of shaping social structure. In this matter the article undertakes the following issues: the notion of aesthetic experience; aestethis values and their political functions of public sphere; the mechanism of politicization of aesthetic values.


2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 84-104
Author(s):  
Simona Kustec Lipicer ◽  
Andrija Henjak

The main goal of this paper is to provide a descriptive analytical overview of the existing evolution of the Slovenian parliamentary arena since its transition to democracy and independence. The paper is divided into two main parts: (1) an overview of a normative insight into the parliamentary and party system, and (2) an analytical assessment of the structure of the parliamentary arena as it is reflected in electoral and parties’ choices and policy preferences. A look at the contemporary democratic parliamentary arena in Slovenia shows that it, in itself, has been quite stable, while, on the contrary, its main integral parts – political parties – have gradually become less stable and less predictable, especially in the second decade of democracy, which can potentially influence the future stability of parliamentary arena, too.


Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt

This chapter studies antiestablishment rhetoric. Antiestablishment rhetoric is not only used by many political entrepreneurs to paint themselves as outsiders, but is also a core feature of populism. Populist parties aim to distinguish themselves from the political mainstream not only by advocating anti-immigration or anti-EU stances, but also by attacking the mainstream political parties. Yet the chapter shows that antiestablishment rhetoric is a strategy used not only by populist parties, but by other political parties as well. It then situates the use of antiestablishment rhetoric in the book's more general argument about party strategy and its theory of political change. Antiestablishment rhetoric by political parties is predominantly aimed at attacking the competence of competitors, and is especially used by challenger parties.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Sabl

Liberal democracy is often viewed by its supporters as a system of government that responds to the informed and rational preferences of the public organized as voters. And liberal democracy is often viewed by its critics as a system that fails to respond to the informed and rational preferences of its citizens. In this book Larry Bartels and Chris Achen draw on decades of research to argue that a “realistic” conception of democracy cannot be centered on the idea of a “rational voter,” and that the ills of contemporary democracies, and especially democracy in the U.S., must be sought in the dynamics that link voters, political parties and public policy in ways that reproduce inequality. “We believe,” write the authors, “that abandoning the folk theory of democracy is a prerequisite to both greater intellectual clarity and real political change. Too many democratic reformers have squandered their energy on misguided or quixotic ideas.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (5) ◽  
pp. 426-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Per G. Svensson ◽  
Richard Loat

The need for new and evidence-based solutions for mobilizing stakeholders and resources in sport for development and peace (SDP) is increasingly emphasized in a number of recent policy documents including the Kazan Action Plan and a set of publications by the Commonwealth Secretariat. This paper provides a response to these calls for the development of mechanisms and toolkits to support multistakeholder collaboration. We draw on our combined experiences in SDP research, practice, and funding to identify how multistakeholder initiatives in SDP can be better leveraged. Specifically, we discuss how Brown’s (2015) five elements of bridge-building for social transformation, namely, compelling and locally relevant goals; cross-boundary leadership systems; generative theories of change; systems enabling and protecting innovation; and investment in institutionalizing change, apply in the SDP domain. The practical framework we have outlined provides a common ground and starting point to build upon for generating improved synergies among a multitude of stakeholders.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (02) ◽  
pp. 375-409
Author(s):  
EDWARD CAVANAGH

English common law reports are dense with ideas. Yet they remain mostly untapped by intellectual historians. This article reveals how intellectual history can engage with law and jurisprudence by following the notion that “infidels” (specifically non-Christian individuals) deserved to receive exceptional treatment within England and across the globe. The starting point is Sir Edward Coke: he suggested that infidels could be conquered and constitutionally nullified, that they could be traded with only at the discretion of the monarch, and he confirmed their incapacity to enjoy full access to the common law. This article uncovers how each of these assertions influenced the development of the imperial constitution in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when it came to war, trade and slavery. Identifying each of the major moves away from Coke's prejudices, this article argues that sometimes common lawyers responded to political change, but at other times anticipated it.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1010-1012 ◽  
pp. 1120-1124
Author(s):  
Xian Chu Tan

With the speeding up of the social transformation and the deepening of market economy, soil and water loss problem is increasingly appearing, and so it has becoming the core issue of ecological environment construction. This article attempts to field research as a logical starting point, combined with related literature, in order to Enshi G County as a case, not only discusses the basic situation of soil and water loss and its harm to ecological environment but also analyses its multi-dimensional causes. In the meantime, this paper argues that the effective governance of the soil and water loss lies in government-led social governance model, and also initial shows its policy implications.


1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-562 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Vengroff

Although many African countries have had to address pressures for democratisation and are undergoing some form of transition, Mali is an especially interesting case which could provide useful insights into the durability of democracy on the continent and elsewhere. Mali has experienced extraordinary changes in the past two years leading to the almost total transformation of the political system from a highly authoritarian régime to one which has all the trappings of a liberal democracy. Unlike most other nations, Mali was fortunate in being able to write a new constitution and hold elections without the burden of continued participation in the process by a ruling party and head of state. Therefore, the more open procedures offer a better indication of the degree to which, given the opportunity, a modern democratic system can take root in the African milieu.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Purushotam Marattha

The political parties of Nepal have never been able to move as an engine of social transformation process, much like their inability to give a stable government. After replacing the Party-less regimes, with them multiparty system the country has mainly witnessed drawbacks of parliamentary system. The political parties have failed to promote democracy and they have hammered on the root of constitution. However, a new constitution was demanded through a Constituent Assembly (CA) and after nearly a decade long exercise, the constitution of Nepal, 2015, was promulgated on September20, 2015. Since that period Nepal has formally entered into a Federal Republican Nation. The new constitution has covered all the achievements of Second People's Movement (SPM).Since then the federal republican constitution has been completely setup in Nepal. This constitution has institutionalized the federal democratic republican setup and it has opened the rooms for amendment, where as the constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990 was not amended even a single article for the last many years. Writing the constitution through the CA was a great achievement of Nepal. During the constitution declaration period major political forces like Big-3 NC, CPNUML and UCPNM showed their highest degree of Unity. The new constitution was passed by more than two thirds majority in the CA. But the Conflict about the number of States (Pradesh) is hampering the stability of the present new constitution. The dissolved CA-2 has not been able to settle all the political conflicts. The on going Madhes agitation deepen into the another constitutional crisis. Tarai based parties like Samyukta LoktantrikMadhesi Morcha (SLMM), an alliance of four parties has joined the parliamentary process. Earlier SLMM has obstructed and paralyzed border area with an unseen support of southern neighbor. Daily general strike of SLMM and closure of industries at border points has led to soft state syndrome in Nepal.


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