Parliamentary Representation in Six European Right-Wing Sovereignist Parties: Resemblance or Innovation?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rossella Borri ◽  
Luca Verzichelli
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Heterogeneous Group ◽  
Homogeneous Group ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
The People ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

Abstract The appeal to the re-appropriation of national sovereignty has recently become the unifying trait of a heterogeneous group of right-wing parties. The underlying reasoning behind this claim is that globalised elites ignore the needs of the people—defined as a restricted and ethnically homogeneous group of natives—they are supposed to represent. After defining the perimeter of this party cluster, including populist, national conservatives and extreme-right parties, this article explores the extent to which the adoption of similar political platforms might also be reflected in a convergence of parliamentary party articulations. A qualitative account of the evolution of parliamentary representation in a few right-wing parties from Italy, Hungary and the Netherlands shows that a two-way street of institutionalisation might be at play in the complex balance between uncompromising grassroots components and a more pragmatic institutional component.

scholarly journals (Small) Enterpreneurs first!

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilde Coffé
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Ongoing Debate ◽  
Economic Discourse ◽  
The Family ◽  
Economic Rhetoric ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

A large body of research on political parties is devoted to the family of extreme right parties. Yet, systematic analyses of extreme right parties discourse remain scarce. The present study addresses this gap in the literature by providing a discourse analysis of the Vlaams Belang, one of the most successful extreme right-wing parties in Europe. Moreover, by focusing on this partys economic discourse, the study also sheds new light on the ongoing debate about the economic viewpoints of the new extreme right parties. We conclude that the Vlaams Belangs economic rhetoric is in line with its ethno-linguistic, nationalist standpoints and pleas for a Flemish economic policy. The partys economic programme is built on liberal points of view and seems particularly aimed at attracting (dissatisfied) liberal voters. Importantly, as economic issues remain subordinated to the partys ideological core, it appears that the Vlaams Belang has largely instrumentalised its programme to expand its electorate.

scholarly journals The Expression of Right-Wing Populism in the Netherlands across Facebook Posts

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agneta Fischer ◽  
Charlotte Brands ◽  
David Abadi
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Language Styles ◽  
The Eu

When it comes to political communication on social media, Facebook has arisen as one of the most important platforms. Recent research on populist discourses provides evidence for populist ideology fragments emerging across Facebook posts. Moreover, the level of populist language styles and the adoption of typical populist rhetoric appears to be ‘endemic' across political actors across the whole political spectrum, even among non-populist ones. In total, 51 posts from Geert Wilders were analyzed before and 71 in the period after the 2019 Dutch elections (N = 122). This study tackles the use of the founding elements of populist communication strategies: references to the people, references to the elites, and references to the others. For a populist leader, Wilders’ Facebook posts do not contain many references to the people. Instead, he focuses on the elites (e.g., the EU) and on the others (e.g., Muslims or asylum seekers). The clearest difference between the pre- and post-election period seems to be that Wilders gradually changes his populist communication strategies from a focus on the elites, to a focus on the others. In doing so, he uses more references to religion and blaming the others. He also refers more to people within the country (asylum seekers and immigrants) in the post-election period (36,6%) than in the pre-election period (23,5%). His posts show clear examples of populist nativism, while he paints a picture of a battle between the Netherlands and the EU (the elites), Muslims or asylum seekers (the others).

scholarly journals Populism into the Twenty‐first Century

1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torcuato S. Di Tella
Keyword(s):  
First Century ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
The People ◽  
Western European ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Iron Guard ◽  
Influential Journal

GHIŢA IONESCU'S HOMELAND IS ONE OF THE MOST TROUBLED NATIONS in Europe. Its wounded national feeling has produced the strangest ideological combinations, mixing freely a fascist past with nostalgia for Ceausescu, as is the case with the Vatra Romaneasca (Romanian Homeland) movement, or the editors of the influential journal Romania Mare, adept at denouncing the ‘international Judaeo- Zionist-capitalist’ plot. One of the main theoreticians of corporatism, as is well known, was Mihail Manoilescu, while another Romanian intellectual, Ilie Badescu, created the ‘protocronist’ school of sociology, bent on documenting cultural and scientific findings in Romania which had anticipated later Western European developments. This approach was adopted officially during the Ceausescu regime, and now inspires some extreme right-wing groups which espouse a radical nationalist ideology. One of them, the Party of the National Right, admits to not being democratic, but compensates for this by proclaiming its ‘demophilia’, that is, its love for the people, a concept created by Petre Tutea, an admirer of the Iron Guard interwar fascist movement.

scholarly journals Βία κατά μεταναστών στην Ελλάδα. Μια νέα βάση δεδομένων για το ρεπερτόριο δράσης ακροδεξιών ομάδων (1991-2017)

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Αναστασία Καφέ ◽  
Βασιλική Γεωργιάδου ◽  
Ζηνοβία Λιαλιούτη
Keyword(s):  
Political Environment ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Main Research Interest ◽  
The Press ◽  
A Cell ◽  
Violent Action ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

ΠερίληψηΗ ξενοφοβική βία στην Ελλάδα βρίσκεται στο επίκεντρο του ενδιαφέροντος του παρόντος άρθρου. Η μελέτη του φαινομένου αναδεικνύει ευθείες συνδέσεις των δραστών με το χώρο της ακροδεξιάς και ειδικότερα τη Χρυσή Αυγή. Με τη δημιουργία μιας νέας βάσης δεδομένων που στηρίζεται στην εξαντλητική καταγραφή στον Τύπο περιστατικών βίας κατά μεταναστών στο διάστημα 1991-2017, υποστηρίζουμε ότι ο βίαιος ακτιβισμός δεν αποτελεί απλή συνέπεια της εκλογικής ενδυνάμωσης της άκρας δεξιάς, αλλά προϋποθέτει έναν πυρήνα οργανωμένων δρώντων που ανήκουν ή κινούνται στο περιβάλλον της. Από τα δεδομένα μας συνάγεται ότι η εξέλιξη του αριθμού των επιθέσεων κατά μεταναστών δεν συμπίπτει απολύτως με μια αντίστοιχη διακύμανση στον πληθυσμό των μεταναστών. Τούτο σημαίνει ότι οι αντιμεταναστευτικές επιθέσεις δεν αυξάνονται απαραιτήτως όταν ο αριθμός των μεταναστών είναι μεγάλος, αλλά μπορεί να εμφανίζονται συχνότερα σε περιόδους και περιοχές που παρατηρείται ξαφνική είσοδος μεταναστών. Αν στις περιοχές αυτές εντοπίζονται οργανωμένοι πυρήνες της άκρας δεξιάς και ειδικότερα της Χρυσής Αυγής, τότε είναι συχνό το φαινόμενο των επιθέσεων κατά μεταναστών. AbstractThe main research interest of this article focuses on the issue of xenophobic violence in Greece. The study of this phenomenon highlights its direct connection to extreme right-wing actors that are particularly associated with Golden Dawn. With the creation of a new database of violent incidents against immigrants during the period 1991-2017 constructed upon material from the press, we argue that violent activism is not merely a consequence of the electoral success of extreme right parties but it presupposes a cell of organized actors that belong to or move around this specific political environment. Moreover, our data suggest that the quantitative evolution of anti-immigrant attacks does not coincide with the size of immigration. This means that anti-immigrant attacks are not necessarily traced in areas with high migrant population but may be more frequent in areas where the entry of immigrants increases instantly. This trend is reinforced by the presence of organized cells of extreme right orientation - and especially Golden Dawn - that coordinate anti-immigrant violent action.

The Rise and the Fall of the Extreme Right in Europe: Towards an Explanation?

Modern Italy ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-388
Author(s):  
Manuela Caiani ◽  
Claudius Wagemann
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Research Designs ◽  
Dramatic Rise ◽  
Academic Publications ◽  
Governmental Power ◽  
Right Wing Extremism ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

In the last two decades, the extreme right has experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many West European democracies, achieving more parliamentary and even governmental power. Despite extensive interest in this phenomenon and a myriad of academic publications about it, both in sociology and political science, little consensus has been reached about the reasons for the observed growth of right-wing extremism. Three books; The Extreme Right in Western Europe by Elisabeth Carter, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe by Piero Ignazi and Radical Right by Pippa Norris, try to overcome this lack of consensus through up-to-date analyses of the current situation of extreme right-wing parties in Western Europe and (in Norris’ case) even beyond. All three authors try to go beyond the existing analyses which mainly concentrate on socio-demographic characteristics of extreme right voters. However, they focus on partly different research questions and, consequently, are based on slightly different research designs.

We hate them all? Issue adaptation of extreme right parties in Slovakia 1993–2016

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 335-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alena Kluknavská ◽  
Josef Smolík
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Framing Strategies ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

This article presents electoral developments and mobilization issues of the extreme right political parties between 1993 and 2016. It analyzes the changes in the extreme right discourses and framing strategies in relation to their electoral results. We argue that during the transition to democracy in the 1990s and partially later in the 2000s, the extreme right parties were predominantly focusing on the issues related to national sovereignty and were successful mostly in the context of hostility against groups that could potentially threaten this independence, while their electoral achievements were affected mainly by their internal party stability. In the late 2000s, the extreme right has, however, begun to adopt a strategy that has bridged nationalist, populist and xenophobic discourses, with stronger success during the economic and refugee crises in Europe.

De beeldspraak van Geert Wilders, een Tsunami over Nederland?

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christ’l De Landtsheer ◽  
Lieuwe Kalkhoven ◽  
Loes Broen
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Language Use ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Press Releases ◽  
The Core ◽  
Quantitative Content ◽  
The Press ◽  
Theory Section

The imagery of Geert Wilders, a Tsunami over the Netherlands? The imagery of Geert Wilders, a Tsunami over the Netherlands? This article examines the language of the Dutch politician Geert Wilders and his anti-immigrant Party for Freedom (PVV) against the yardstick of ‘extreme right’. Should we consider Wilders who is charged because of hatred against Muslims as a populist or rather an extreme-rightist? The core question of the article is addressed in a theory section on populism, right-extremism and its (metaphor) style, and an empirical section that tracks the political style and thematic choice of Wilders. The empirical case concerning language use of Geert Wilders includes a metaphor analysis using a metaphor index that is a quantitative view of the metaphorical power of a text (De Landtsheer, 2009). Also a thematic quantitative content analysis is part of the case. There were three different news formats examined: columns, opinion pieces, and the press releases of the PVV (period October 2004 to June 2010). Wilders is paying a lot of attention to the ‘old, classic’ fascist themes: nationalism, security, immigration policy and politics. His very emotional language style includes many strong metaphors that provokes unrest and that must convince people of the need for change. For content and style in the language of Wilders were found so many attributes of an extreme right-wing discourse.

scholarly journals Why are Extreme Right Parties so Popular in Europe?

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-47
Author(s):  
Radu-Vladimir Rauta
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
The Past ◽  
Real Increase ◽  
Recent Activity ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

This topic has witnessed a real increase in media coverage due to the recent activity of extreme right parties across Europe, notable being in the past year the Greek parties and the Dutch stance regarding immigration. For answering the question, and following the pathway of the module, the essay is looking at the extreme right parties in four European countries: France, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy. Research for this paper has been focused mostly on the specialised literature, Pietro Ignazi being brought into discussion the most. Because of the large variables over years, the essay is looking at the parties from the 1960s until the early 2000s.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document