“The Australian women's movement goes to the museum: The ‘cultures of Australian feminist activism, 1970–1990’ project”

2013 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 85-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Bartlett ◽  
Margaret Henderson
2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1,2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marine Gheno

FEMEN embodies many ambiguities as a feminist group using its members' bare breasts to inscribe messages and attract media attention. Now settled in France, a context wherein the women’s movement has a long history of activism and theory, these ambiguities are particularly visible through strong criticism from feminist figures. In this article, I argue that FEMEN actions are both beneficial and detrimental to feminism as they present the media with eroticized militant women while empowering such representations of women. In the vein of popfeminism and girl power media culture, FEMEN contributes to a transformation of contemporary feminist activism in continuity with feminist claims to agency, and in rupture with feminist criticisms of neoliberal commodification of women. 


1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adele Murdolo

In this paper I discuss the four Women and Labour conferences which were held in Australian capital cities over the seven years between 1978 and 1984. I explore the ways in which the history of Australian feminist activism during this period could be written, questioning in particular the claim that the Women and Labour conferences have been central to the history of Australian feminism. I discuss the ways in which a historical sense could be established, using writings about the conferences as historical ‘evidence’, that race and ethnic divisions between women had not been important to the ‘women's movement’ until 1984. In other words, I challenge the construction of this conference as a turning point – not only in the feminist politicization of immigrant and Aboriginal women, but also in the politicization of all feminists about race and ethnic divisions. More broadly, I am interested in how a history would be written if it aimed to get to the ‘truth’ about racism and about the feminist activism of immigrant women. How would the apparent lack of written ‘evidence’ – at least until 1984 – of immigrant women's feminist activism, and of the awareness of Australian feminists about issues of racism, be written into this history? In addition, I suggest that it is important to the writing of feminist history in Australia that published documentation has been mostly produced by anglo women, and is thus partial and mediated by the lived, embodied experiences of anglo women. Finally, my intention is to interrogate commonly understood narratives about Australian feminist history, to challenge their seamlessness, and to suggest the importance of recognizing the tension within feminist discourses between difference as benign diversity and difference as disruption.


Author(s):  
Rachel McPherson

Significant legal and policy change related to domestic abuse has been evident in Scotland over the last 40 years. Despite this, no change has occurred in relation to cases in which women kill their abusers. This article maps the significant changes which have occurred in Scotland in relation to domestic abuse, linking these to the development of the Scottish women’s movement and related feminist activism. This landscape is contrasted with the inertia which has become apparent in relation to cases in which women kill their abusers. A detailed examination of the Scottish landscape is presented which includes in-depth qualitative analysis of 62 cases of this type.Although the problems inherent to effecting change for women who kill their abusers are recognised, this article proposes several practical changes which could be implemented to bridge the knowledge gap which has emerged in Scotland. This call to action comes at the time when the Scottish Law Commission are considering homicide and defences to murder, making it a crucial time to consider the Scottish landscape in relation to this aspect of domestic abuse.<br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>There exists demarcation in Scotland between responses to domestic abuse generally and responses to cases in which women kill following domestic abuse.</li><br /><li>The issue of women killing their abusers must be included in formal policy dialogues surrounding domestic abuse.</li><br /><li>Any legal changes implemented must recognise the reality of cases of this type.</li></ul>


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-274
Author(s):  
Josie McLellan

Abstract How did British feminist art of the 1970s represent work and class, and what light does this shed on the women’s movement more generally? This article discusses the work of artists, including Bobby Baker, the Feministo and Fenix collectives, the Hackney Flashers, and Mary Kelly. These artists were eager to connect feminist activism to other struggles on the Left and were thus initially drawn to document working-class women’s paid work. Their political commitment to represent ‘ordinary’ working lives often led to lengthy periods of research, as well as attempts to make both the creative process and the finished product accessible to new participants and audiences. However, across this period, two changes took place. First, artists began to focus on women’s unpaid work, drawing attention to the tension between domestic work and paid employment, and the lack of easy solutions to this problem. Secondly, most lost faith in art’s power to represent the experience of work beyond the individual and the personal. Early political idealism gave way to sustained soul-searching about the intellectual, moral, and aesthetic difficulties of representing the experience of others, particularly those of a different class background. This article, then, shows that the early British women’s movement was keen to engage with working-class experience and that it did so in a way that was self-reflective. In the end, it was this self-reflection, and the questions that it generated about the morality, politics, and aesthetics of representing others, that led to the personal and psychological turn of the later 1970s.


Making Waves ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Siân Reynolds

This chapter explores the connections between feminist thought and activism in the years following the end of the Second World War, and the feminism that emerged in the mid-1970s. Whereas the emergence of the 1970s French women’s movement is often linked to the student protest movement of May 1968, this chapter draws on the work of historians of French feminism to argue both that many of the women involved were of an earlier generation, and that earlier twentieth-century feminist activists and intellectuals, including Simone de Beauvoir, continued to be influential. Thus, while some French feminists in the 1970s presented their feminist activism as new and revolutionary, and rejected the mores and ideologies of earlier generations, there remained key lines of influence linking their approach - to issues such as women’s right to control their fertility- to earlier feminist campaigns and writings.


1970 ◽  
pp. 20-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sohpie Richter-Devroe

The 1993 Oslo Accords between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Israeli government have had a profound impact on the whole of Palestinian society; more particularly, they strongly influenced the development of the Palestinian women’s movement. This paper will portray different forms of women’s activism after Oslo; it will research the impact of peaceful female activism,feminist activism and militant female activism on women’s status in society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 207-248
Author(s):  
Lyndsey Jenkins

The final chapter analyses the Kenneys’ lives after 1918 in terms of a shift from collective to individual identity. While recent historiography has rightly emphasized the diverse forms in which feminist activism flourished after partial enfranchisement, the Kenneys themselves took no part in the organized women’s movement. After identifying the many reasons why not, the chapter explores how they sought to construct new meaning and purpose in their lives. It analyses the place of family, faith, paid work, and autobiographical writing in their post-suffrage lives, suggesting that notions of service and duty remained central to their thinking and self-conception.


1970 ◽  
pp. 139-141
Author(s):  
Hala Kamal

By  Nadje Al-Ali, Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East: The Egyptian Women’s Movement (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2000).


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311773408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Swank ◽  
Breanne Fahs

This study examines whether women’s feminist activism is connected to three key factors: sufficient educational and financial resources, the internalization of a feminist consciousness, and being involved in feminist mobilization structures. Analysis of the 2012 American National Election Survey (N = 1,876) suggests that participation and engagement in the women’s movement is least common among less educated women and stay-at-home mothers. Feminist activism is also grounded in the perceptions of systematic forms of oppression, an emotional bond to feminists, and being embedded in political or women-centered organizations. There was also little evidence that involvement in the women’s movement is shaped by women’s age, marital status, income level, sexual identity, or race.


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