scholarly journals Legal change and legal inertia: understanding and contextualising Scottish cases in which women kill their abusers

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel McPherson
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Policy Change ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Domestic Abuse ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Legal Change ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
Call To Action ◽  
Formal Policy ◽  
Law Commission

Significant legal and policy change related to domestic abuse has been evident in Scotland over the last 40 years. Despite this, no change has occurred in relation to cases in which women kill their abusers. This article maps the significant changes which have occurred in Scotland in relation to domestic abuse, linking these to the development of the Scottish women’s movement and related feminist activism. This landscape is contrasted with the inertia which has become apparent in relation to cases in which women kill their abusers. A detailed examination of the Scottish landscape is presented which includes in-depth qualitative analysis of 62 cases of this type.Although the problems inherent to effecting change for women who kill their abusers are recognised, this article proposes several practical changes which could be implemented to bridge the knowledge gap which has emerged in Scotland. This call to action comes at the time when the Scottish Law Commission are considering homicide and defences to murder, making it a crucial time to consider the Scottish landscape in relation to this aspect of domestic abuse.<br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>There exists demarcation in Scotland between responses to domestic abuse generally and responses to cases in which women kill following domestic abuse.</li><br /><li>The issue of women killing their abusers must be included in formal policy dialogues surrounding domestic abuse.</li><br /><li>Any legal changes implemented must recognise the reality of cases of this type.</li></ul>

scholarly journals Out of pocket or out of control: A qualitative analysis of healthcare professional stakeholder involvement in pharmaceutical policy change in Ireland

Health Policy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 124 (4) ◽  
pp. 411-418
Author(s):  
Gary L. O’Brien ◽  
Sarah-Jo Sinnott ◽  
Bridget O’ Flynn ◽  
Valerie Walshe ◽  
Mark Mulcahy ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Healthcare Professional ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Policy Change ◽  
Stakeholder Involvement ◽  
Pharmaceutical Policy

scholarly journals The FEMENist Connection: Ruptures and Agency in FEMEN France

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1,2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marine Gheno
Keyword(s):  
Women's Movement ◽  
Media Culture ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
Girl Power ◽  
Media Attention ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Representations Of Women

FEMEN embodies many ambiguities as a feminist group using its members' bare breasts to inscribe messages and attract media attention. Now settled in France, a context wherein the women’s movement has a long history of activism and theory, these ambiguities are particularly visible through strong criticism from feminist figures. In this article, I argue that FEMEN actions are both beneficial and detrimental to feminism as they present the media with eroticized militant women while empowering such representations of women. In the vein of popfeminism and girl power media culture, FEMEN contributes to a transformation of contemporary feminist activism in continuity with feminist claims to agency, and in rupture with feminist criticisms of neoliberal commodification of women. 

Warmth and Unity with all Women?

1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adele Murdolo
Keyword(s):  
Women's Movement ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Historical Evidence ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
Apparent Lack ◽  
Capital Cities ◽  
Feminist History ◽  
Aboriginal Women ◽  
Embodied Experiences ◽  
History Of

In this paper I discuss the four Women and Labour conferences which were held in Australian capital cities over the seven years between 1978 and 1984. I explore the ways in which the history of Australian feminist activism during this period could be written, questioning in particular the claim that the Women and Labour conferences have been central to the history of Australian feminism. I discuss the ways in which a historical sense could be established, using writings about the conferences as historical ‘evidence’, that race and ethnic divisions between women had not been important to the ‘women's movement’ until 1984. In other words, I challenge the construction of this conference as a turning point – not only in the feminist politicization of immigrant and Aboriginal women, but also in the politicization of all feminists about race and ethnic divisions. More broadly, I am interested in how a history would be written if it aimed to get to the ‘truth’ about racism and about the feminist activism of immigrant women. How would the apparent lack of written ‘evidence’ – at least until 1984 – of immigrant women's feminist activism, and of the awareness of Australian feminists about issues of racism, be written into this history? In addition, I suggest that it is important to the writing of feminist history in Australia that published documentation has been mostly produced by anglo women, and is thus partial and mediated by the lived, embodied experiences of anglo women. Finally, my intention is to interrogate commonly understood narratives about Australian feminist history, to challenge their seamlessness, and to suggest the importance of recognizing the tension within feminist discourses between difference as benign diversity and difference as disruption.

Feminist activism in digital space: Postfeminist contradictions in #WhyIStayed

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (10) ◽  
pp. 1827-1848 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmine R Linabary ◽  
Danielle J Corple ◽  
Cheryl Cooky
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Victim Blaming ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
Digital Space ◽  
Personal Experiences ◽  
Key Sites ◽  
Use Of Social Media

Scholars have argued that digital spaces are key sites for feminist activism, which can be seen in the emergence of “hashtag feminism,” or the use of social media hashtags to address feminist-identified issues through sharing personal experiences of inequality, constructing counter-discourses, and critiquing cultural figures and institutions. However, more empirical research is needed that examines both the possibilities and constraints of hashtag feminism. Through a qualitative analysis of 51,577 archived tweets and semi-structured interviews, we trace the ways #WhyIStayed creates a space for feminist activism in response to victim-blaming related to domestic violence through voice, multivocality, and visibility. More specifically, we critically analyze postfeminist discourses within #WhyIStayed in order to examine contradictions within the hashtag event as well as how these postfeminist contradictions shape possibilities for feminist activism online.

scholarly journals The Psychodrama and its Contribution to the Children’s Competitive Confrontation. Case Study

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 143-151
Author(s):  
C.K. Zaragas
Keyword(s):  
Physical Education ◽  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Young Athletes ◽  
Alternative Method ◽  
Judo Athletes

The purpose of this paper is twofold, first to study in depth by analyzing the phenomena in the circle of the psychodrama group and then to highlight the results from the application of the psychodrama tech¬nique to young athletes who would take part in competitions. A group of 6 boys and 4 girls (N = 10, 100%) aged 12 years ± 5 months have participated in psychodrama sessions, lasting 90 minutes, with a frequency of every 15 days for 12 months (January 2019 — January 2020). The meetings took place in parallel and in combination with the judo training that lasted 90 minutes for three times a week. Both the trainings and the psychodrama meetings took place in the same place. The present work is a case study for the detailed examination and qualitative analysis of the group of young judo athletes in the process of psychodrama. The results of the coupling of the program of physical education and the method of psychodrama were impres¬sive both by the testimonies of the children and the official results of the Panhellenic championship for girls and boys. Psychodrama can be an alternative method of education in school.

scholarly journals Indonesian Islamic Women Movement (A Case Study of BKSWI West Java)

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-21
Author(s):  
Masripah Masripah
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Organizational Environment ◽  
Information Culture ◽  
West Java ◽  
Islamic Women ◽  
Access Information ◽  
External Communications ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

This article discusses the women's movement in the organization BKSWI Indonesia Islam (Islam Women Cooperation Agency) West Java. Discussion of the methodology used is descriptive qualitative analysis. The conclusion based on the results of the discussion that: BKSWI can be assumed as the activities pursued women and can strengthen the organization by emphasizing equality and togetherness with me aim materialized unity among Islamic women's organizations as well as the implementation of Islamic teachings in increasing the degree and character of women in the life personal, household, and community are blessed by God, in order to realize the potential of the field of religious struggles of womanhood and society in me run that purpose, the HR (caretaker), facilities and funding access, information, culture management organizations, internal and external communications, leadership, organizational environment conducive Islamic women.

scholarly journals From the Political to the Personal: Work and Class in 1970s British Feminist Art

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-274
Author(s):  
Josie McLellan
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Paid Work ◽  
Feminist Art ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Feminist Activism ◽  
Self Reflection ◽  
Working Lives ◽  
Class Background ◽  
The Individual

Abstract How did British feminist art of the 1970s represent work and class, and what light does this shed on the women’s movement more generally? This article discusses the work of artists, including Bobby Baker, the Feministo and Fenix collectives, the Hackney Flashers, and Mary Kelly. These artists were eager to connect feminist activism to other struggles on the Left and were thus initially drawn to document working-class women’s paid work. Their political commitment to represent ‘ordinary’ working lives often led to lengthy periods of research, as well as attempts to make both the creative process and the finished product accessible to new participants and audiences. However, across this period, two changes took place. First, artists began to focus on women’s unpaid work, drawing attention to the tension between domestic work and paid employment, and the lack of easy solutions to this problem. Secondly, most lost faith in art’s power to represent the experience of work beyond the individual and the personal. Early political idealism gave way to sustained soul-searching about the intellectual, moral, and aesthetic difficulties of representing the experience of others, particularly those of a different class background. This article, then, shows that the early British women’s movement was keen to engage with working-class experience and that it did so in a way that was self-reflective. In the end, it was this self-reflection, and the questions that it generated about the morality, politics, and aesthetics of representing others, that led to the personal and psychological turn of the later 1970s.

The “Power of Presence”: Professional Women Leaders and Family Law Reform in Morocco

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-360
Author(s):  
Mounira M Charrad ◽  
Rita Stephan
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Women Leaders ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Family Law ◽  
Professional Women ◽  
Law Reform ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Legal Change

Abstract The 2004 reforms of Islamic family law in Morocco brought about a long-awaited expansion of women’s rights. The Moroccan women’s movement was a key player in the promulgation of the reforms. We highlight the role of professional women leaders in the movement and show how they developed political capital and the “power of presence” by combining (i) professional attainment, (ii) leadership in women’s organizations, and (iii) active participation or positions in politics and civil society. We suggest that more needs to be understood about the implications of women’s education and professional attainment for legal change, especially in the Middle East.

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