Trump administration and the opioid epidemic in the USA

The Lancet ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 389 (10085) ◽  
pp. 2181 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Reinl
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. e002079
Author(s):  
Shriya Srinivasan ◽  
Khalil B. Ramadi ◽  
Andrea Ippolito ◽  
Rifat Atun

The nationwide opioid epidemic has substantially impacted economically-depressed regions in the USA. Eastern Appalachia has some of the lowest socioeconomic indicators in the USA and has suffered the highest rate of opioid-related fatality in 2016. Despite devoting considerable federal and state resources towards public health initiatives, the region continued to experience one of the highest death rates and sought alternative approaches to address the opioid crisis. Here, we describe a community-based co-creation initiative that convened diverse sectors and utilised design thinking principles to generate sustainable public health ventures towards addressing the opioid crisis. Participants of diverse backgrounds came together to attack key challenges and developed and implemented solutions, including a mobile application for naloxone delivery and exercise programs for high schools to promote healthy habits. Grassroots innovation efforts catalysed by the event strengthened community engagement and facilitated a sense of agency among participants. Through specific examples of initiatives that were launched, we provide evidence to encourage and highlight the value of healthcare innovation efforts in low-resource settings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-41
Author(s):  
Xihui Sun

The Trump administration launched the world’s biggest trade war with China, which is suggestive of its distinctive governing philosophy. Consequently, the trade war with China is not only part of the US policies on China, but also part of the Indo-Pacific strategy of the administration, with aims of both money and containment. In response, China has adopted both hardline and moderate approaches, resolutely fighting back the pressure from the USA and exhibiting restraint in retaliation. However, China and the USA have their own advantages, and the end of the trade war depends on the resolution, willpower, and judgment of the situation. Presently, China is the only country that has the ability and resolution to stand up to the USA to stay the course in the trade war; China’s perseverance and retaliation to the US’ extreme pressure in the trade war temporarily eased the pressure on other countries from the USA. The trade war is damaging to the world and will cause more harm if it goes unchecked. The USA dominates the direction of Sino-US relations, but China’s response also shapes Sino-US relations to a certain extent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-44
Author(s):  
Yongqing Wang

Purpose It is a common view to Trump administration and public that devaluation of Chinese currency is the origin of the US trade deficit. However, the previous literature does not support this common view. To better understand the causes of the US trade imbalances with China, this study aims to review the previous literature focusing on the causes of bilateral trade imbalances between the USA and China. Design/methodology/approach Review previous literature according to the different reasons that each paper studies. Findings Based on the previous literature, the Chinese exchange rate is not the main reason for the US trade imbalances. The official US trade figures overestimate the amount of deficit. The actual causes for the US trade deficit with China perhaps should be the relocation of production to China, low saving in the USA and high saving in China, and the US dollar as the international currency and reserve. Originality/value By reviewing previous literature, the authors could better understand the puzzle of the US trade deficit with China.


Anaesthesia ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 68 (12) ◽  
pp. 1215-1219 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Weisberg ◽  
C. Stannard

Author(s):  
Marco Overhaus

The USA is still the only power with the capability to have a major impact—for better or for worse—on the security orders in all major geographical regions of the world, most notably the Near/Middle East, East Asia, and Europe. A review of the major dynamics in regional orders shows that seven decades of American hegemony have always been short of the liberal ideal-type expectations—well before Donald Trump entered the scene. However, the Trump administration sees the international and regional security orders primarily as arenas for power competition in which economic and military might are the most relevant currencies. While the erosion of regional security orders is not primarily the result of the deeds and omissions in Washington, the missing liberal hegemon will make it much harder to reverse the trend and to rebuild these orders from within and from the outside.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Blaine Marshall ◽  
Michelle K Bland ◽  
Ryan Hulla ◽  
Robert J Gatchel
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Grice

The Trump administration has declared its determination to resolve the problems posed by North Korea, but a full-scale military intervention would impart a terrible human cost and could ignite a global war. One alternative that might meet the objectives of the USA would be the collapse of the North Korea regime through a domestic uprising. Claims that the regime is teetering on the brink of self-implosion have been made for decades; yet, there has been no popular rebellion to date and this article argues that the prospect of one occurring in the foreseeable future remains remote. Numerous factors exist in North Korea that ought, according to conventional theories of rebellion, to push the population to rebel, including public grievances, opportunities for private gain and regime vulnerability. These drivers are suppressed by the Kim Jong-un regime, however, through the use of isolation, propaganda, deterrence and prevention, which combine to make rebellion extremely improbable. Despite a major military invasion being impractical and the likelihood of a domestic uprising occurring being markedly low, a number of policy alternatives do exist for the Trump administration. Nevertheless, there are no easy answers with North Korea and each course of action possesses significant drawbacks and limitations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-654 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bonnitcha

ABSTRACT Questions of investment governance are central to current trade wars. The USA complains of China’s use of restrictions on US investment as a lever to force technology transfer, while China complains of the review of investment in the USA on national security grounds. This article examines the place of these debates about investment liberalization within the trade wars. The focus is on US conduct, as the instigator of the trade wars. I argue that the USA is pursuing diverse and partially inconsistent in relation to investment liberalization. In some contexts, the USA is continuing to pursue the objective of removing impediments to outward investment, which was the principal objective of US investment policy for the decades prior to the Trump administration. In other contexts, the USA is seeking to encourage the repatriation of US outward investment and to regulate inward and outward investment according to ill-defined security rationales. I argue that prevailing materialist accounts of the trade wars struggle to explain these inconsistencies. Instead, I suggest that constructivist political economy provides a more promising explanatory framework. According to this view, inconsistency in policy objectives stems from foundational uncertainty about the nature of the ‘problem’ of investment liberalization.


The Lancet ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 398 (10297) ◽  
pp. 277
Author(s):  
The Lancet
Keyword(s):  

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