scholarly journals WELFARE ANALYSIS OF THE U.S.-MEXICAN TOMATO SUSPENSION AGREEMENT

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELIJAH KOSSE ◽  
STEPHEN DEVADOSS

AbstractThis study develops a three-county trade model of the United States, Mexico, and Canada to analyze the effects of the 2013 Suspension Agreement on prices, production, consumption, trade flows, and welfare in each country. Although only the United States and Mexico are signatories to the agreement, Canada was also included because the U.S. minimum price distorts prices across the region. Three tomato categories—field, greenhouse, and cherry and grape—are studied because each has a distinct minimum price. The overall welfare effects are positive for Mexico and Canada, but negative for the United States.

2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 1850070 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kozo Kiyota ◽  
Robert M Stern

The Michigan Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) Model of World Production and Trade is used to calculate the aggregate welfare and sectoral employment effects of the menu of U.S. trade policies. The menu of policies encompasses the various preferential U.S. bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs) negotiated and in process, unilateral removal of existing trade barriers, and global (multilateral) free trade. The welfare impacts of the FTAs on the United States are shown to be rather small in absolute and relative terms. The sectoral employment effects are also generally small but vary across the individual sectors depending on the patterns of the bilateral liberalization. The welfare effects on the FTA partner countries are mostly positive though generally small, but there are some indications of potentially disruptive employment shifts in some partner countries. There are indications of trade diversion and detrimental welfare effects on nonmember countries for some of the FTAs analyzed. In comparison to the welfare gains from the U.S. FTAs, the gains from both unilateral trade liberalization by the United States and the FTA partners and from global (multilateral) free trade are shown to be rather substantial and more uniformly positive for all countries in the global trading system. The U.S. FTAs are based on “hub” and “spoke” arrangements. It is shown that the spokes emanate out in different and often overlapping directions, suggesting that the complex of bilateral FTAs may create distortions of the global trading system, which could be avoided if multilateral liberalization in the context of the Doha Round were to be carried out. Kozo Kiyota is Associate Professor of International Economics in the Faculty of Business Administration, Yokohama National University. He is also a Research Fellow at the Manufacturing Management Research Center (MMRC), the University of Tokyo and a Faculty Fellow at the Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI). He received his Ph.D. from Keio University, Tokyo, Japan. His research focuses on empirical microeconomics. He has published articles in the International Journal of Industrial Organization, Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, and The World Economy. Robert M. Stern is Professor of Economics and Public Policy (Emeritus) in the Department of Economics and Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, University of Michigan.


1971 ◽  
Vol 49 (9) ◽  
pp. 1551-1558 ◽  
Author(s):  
George J. Williams, III ◽  
Calvin McMillan

Seedlings derived from field-collected seed from the United States, Mexico, and Central America were tested for frost hardiness under laboratory conditions. U.S. seedlings grown under four controlled conditions demonstrated greatest frost hardening under cool temperatures and short day lengths. Seedlings representing northernmost U.S. collection sites developed greater frost tolerance than seedlings representing southern U.S. collection sites. In comparing United States, Mexico, and Central America seedlings, the U.S. material showed greatest frost tolerance with Mexico and Central America demonstrating similar hardiness. The application of plant hormones (natural gibberellic acid and artificial AMO-1618) produced opposite effects on U.S. seedlings derived from Connecticut and Florida seed. The Connecticut seedlings demonstrated greatest frost tolerance in all treatments. Demonstrated frost tolerance differences among United States, Mexico, and Central America populations strongly indicate selection of frost hardy races in habitats with severe frost conditions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (29) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Gonzalez Hernandez

This article analyzes how television news has enhanced the role of representation of the United States-Mexico border in themes such as immigration, theme represented in “spectacular” ways related to “warfare”. Using textual analysis on TV reports, my aim is to show how local television network news in the United States (NBC) and Mexico (Televisa) construct the representation of the U.S./Mexico border through a particular conflicting vision to account for border enforcements and interventions on both sides and with similar visual strategies. The analysis centers on actual “visual text” or television news reports, which tries to demonstrates how assumptions guide the activity of local network coverage, and how, at the same time, limits what is reported in news. This consequently contributes to the perpetuation of a representation related to ¨crisis¨ in the border region.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Logan Carmichael

Drugs, immigration, and border policy are intrinsically linked in the context of the United States-Mexico divide.  However, there are often misunderstandings that border policy and immigration from Mexico are the root causes of a ‘drug epidemic’ in America.  This paper dispels these misconceptions by exploring the diverse sources of illicit narcotics and examining the ideologies, government policies, and underlying domestic issues that comprise this epidemic.


Author(s):  
C. J. Alvarez

The region that today constitutes the United States–Mexico borderland has evolved through various systems of occupation over thousands of years. Beginning in time immemorial, the land was used and inhabited by ancient peoples whose cultures we can only understand through the archeological record and the beliefs of their living descendants. Spain, then Mexico and the United States after it, attempted to control the borderlands but failed when confronted with indigenous power, at least until the late 19th century when American capital and police established firm dominance. Since then, borderland residents have often fiercely contested this supremacy at the local level, but the borderland has also, due to the primacy of business, expressed deep harmonies and cooperation between the U.S. and Mexican federal governments. It is a majority minority zone in the United States, populated largely by Mexican Americans. The border is both a porous membrane across which tremendous wealth passes and a territory of interdiction in which noncitizens and smugglers are subject to unusually concentrated police attention. All of this exists within a particularly harsh ecosystem characterized by extreme heat and scarce water.


2006 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Devadoss

I develop a two-country theoretical trade model to show that Canadian subsidies increase lumber supplies and exports to the United States, and the U.S. retaliatory tariff raises U.S. prices and safeguards producers, but hurts consumers. These results underscore the shortsightedness of policy decisions in a bilateral trade dispute, as empirical results from the multiregional spatial equilibrium trade model highlight that both countries pursue myopic policies without taking into account the reactions of other exporters and importers. For instance, after the imposition of U.S. tariffs, other exporters grab the market share lost by Canada in the United States, while Canada augments its exports to other importers.


2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Petrolia ◽  
P. Lynn Kennedy

Increases in the United States tariff-rate quota for sugar are simulated to determine the impact of Cuban market access and an increased Mexican allotment. The effects on both domestic and international sugar markets, including production, consumption, prices, and trade, are determined and welfare effects identified. This analysis is carried out using a partial-equilibrium simplified world trade model, Modele Internationale Simplifié de Simulation (MISS), which simulates, in a comparative-static framework, the effects of various policy actions.


Author(s):  
Omar Valerio-Jiménez

The United States–Mexico War was the first war in which the United States engaged in a conflict with a foreign nation for the purpose of conquest. It was also the first conflict in which trained soldiers (from West Point) played a large role. The war’s end transformed the United States into a continental nation as it acquired a vast portion of Mexico’s northern territories. In addition to shaping U.S.–Mexico relations into the present, the conflict also led to the forcible incorporation of Mexicans (who became Mexican Americans) as the nation’s first Latinos. Yet, the war has been identified as the nation’s “forgotten war” because few Americans know the causes and consequences of this conflict. Within fifteen years of the war’s end, the conflict faded from popular memory, but it did not disappear, due to the outbreak of the U.S. Civil War. By contrast, the U.S.–Mexico War is prominently remembered in Mexico as having caused the loss of half of the nation’s territory, and as an event that continues to shape Mexico’s relationship with the United States. Official memories (or national histories) of war affect international relations, and also shape how each nation’s population views citizens of other countries. Not surprisingly, there is a stark difference in the ways that American citizens and Mexican citizens remember and forget the war (e.g., Americans refer to the “Mexican American War” or the “U.S.–Mexican War,” for example, while Mexicans identify the conflict as the “War of North American Intervention”).


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (7) ◽  
pp. 950-958 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajan Parajuli ◽  
Daowei Zhang

In this paper, we evaluate the market and welfare effects of the 2006 United States (U.S.) – Canada Softwood Lumber Agreement (SLA 2006) based on a U.S. import demand model for Canadian softwood lumber. We find that SLA 2006 reduces the U.S. lumber imports from Canada by 7.78% in the months when export taxes took effect. The welfare analysis based on a partial equilibrium framework shows that U.S. lumber producers gained $1.6 billion and U.S. consumers lost $2.3 billion in 9 years under SLA 2006.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document