The political meaning of popular movements

1993 ◽  
pp. 171-186
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Popular Movements

The Political Impact of Chilean New Song in Exile

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Patrice McSherry
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common Cause ◽  
Foreign Nationals ◽  
Nueva Cancion ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
The World ◽  
Popular Movements ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Nueva Canción

The musical movement known as Chilean New Song became a key mobilizing force in politics in the 1960s and early 1970s in Chile, inspiring, uniting, and motivating people in a common cause and articulating the dreams and hopes of masses of people for progressive social change. Similarly, the New Song movement in exile, after the 1973 coup, helped to generate and sustain the support and solidarity of Chilean exiles and foreign nationals around the world, speaking about the repression in Chile, communicating the ideals of the popular movements, and inspiring and strengthening solidarity movements in many countries. El movimiento musical conocido como la Nueva Canción Chilena fue una fuerza movilizadora clave en las luchas políticas de los años 60 y principios de los 70 en Chile. Sirvió como fuente de inspiración para unir a la gente en una causa común y para articular los sueños y las esperanzas de un cambio social progresista de las masas del pueblo. De igual manera, en el exilio, después del golpe de 1973, el movimiento ayudó a generar y sostener el apoyo y la solidaridad de los exiliados chilenos y de los extranjeros alrededor del mundo, ofreciendo testimonio sobre la represión en Chile, dándole voz a los ideales de los movimientos populares y fortaleciendo los movimientos de solidaridad en muchos países.

scholarly journals Between institutional reform and building popular movements: The political articulation of agroecology in Brazil

2022 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 140-148
Author(s):  
L. Van den Berg ◽  
J.H. Behagel ◽  
G. Verschoor ◽  
P. Petersen ◽  
M. Gomes da Silva
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Movements

The African Crowd in Nairobi: Popular Movements and Élite Politics

1973 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Furedi
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Urban Centre ◽  
Elite Politics ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
Popular Movements ◽  
High Level

The absence of popular participation in the political process of post-independent Kenya should be seen as the outcome of a political tension, which has its roots in the colonial period. The growth of Nairobi, a colonial urban centre par excellence, provided unequal opportunities for its African population. The majority of the Nairobi Africans came to constitute the African crowd—domestic servants, the majority of workers in private and public employment, and petty traders. This group should be distinguished from the Nairobi African middle class which formed the ‘political élite’. The African middle class possessed a fairly high level of education and had remunerative positions with government or were wealthy traders. By the mid-'forties, this group had become well integrated within the colonial system.The different, and often contradictory, interests of these two groups of people was strikingly manifested on the level of political action. The ‘popular movements’ of the African crowd were direct and often extra-constitutional. Their organizations, e.g. the 40 Group, were characteristically militant, and were often based on mass support. The ‘élite politics’ of the African middle class were strictly constitutional and moderate. Their goal—to consolidate their position within the colonial system—had obviously only limited appeal. The conflict between these two social groups was resolved by the elimination of the African crowd as a political force.

RIOT ACTS, POPULAR PROTEST, AND PROTESTANT MENTALITIES IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY IRELAND

2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
NEAL GARNHAM
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
Legislative Action ◽  
Popular Protest ◽  
Self Confidence ◽  
Civil Disorder ◽  
Popular Movements

The condition of the Anglican elite in eighteenth-century Ireland has been the focus of some debate by historians. Members of the Protestant Ascendancy class have been variously cast as a community under constant threat, or as a self-confident group secure in their control of the country's political and economic systems. Various contributions to this dialogue have been made through the study of popular movements and civil disorder. Rather than further comment on such phenomena this article seeks to examine the reactions of the Irish political elite to them. Although the country had no general Riot Act on the English model until 1787, legislative initiatives were made on several occasions prior to this. While these initially tended to be unsuccessful in parliament, local in their application, and to impose relatively lenient punishments, attitudes began to change in the 1770s. The political elite then moved comparatively rapidly to general legislation that created riot as a felony. Such developments suggest that prior to the last quarter of the eighteenth century civil disorder was not seen as a real threat to Protestant ascendancy, though Protestant fears finally culminated in legislative action in 1787. Arguably it was this event that marked the first great nadir in Anglican self-confidence in eighteenth-century Ireland.

Indicators of imbalance in the distribution policies in some Arab countries

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-197
Author(s):  
Hakim Mohsin Al-Rubaie
Keyword(s):  
Arab Countries ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Economic Discourse ◽  
Income Levels ◽  
Production And Distribution ◽  
Popular Movements

Politics and economics are described as being inseparably and inextricably related, such that economic discourse is also political discourse. Policies are only a reflection of the opinions and ideas of the ruling institutions, hence the economic system and its policies manifest in the field of investment, production and distribution. While the governments and ruling authorities in all economic systems speak of justice in distribution, however, the reality contradicts that as there is disparity in the income levels between individuals. The level of difference may be narrowing between some social classes, but it is widening among the poorer classes. This paper will focus on indicators of imbalance in the distribution policies in some Arab countries, selecting those where popular movements have taken place. Some claim that one of the main causes of these movements is the lack of just distribution. Although that is true to some extent, it does not mean that there were fairer distribution policies in the countries which did not see such popular movements. This is also the answer to the claim which attributes these movements to outside forces seeking to change the Arab political systems. This paper ends with conclusions and recommendations based on the research regarding the political and economic changes these Arab countries must make to ensure justice in their distribution policies.

Urban Popular Movements, Identity, and Democratization in Brazil

1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
SCOTT MAINWARING
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Gradual Process ◽  
Popular Movements ◽  
Popular Classes

This article addresses the political impact and limits of grass-roots popular movements in Brazil during the past decade. In the second half of the 1970s, as Brazil's military regime promoted a gradual process of political liberalization, grass-roots popular movements burgeoned, generating widespread hopes among the forces that opposed the regime. Nearly a decade after this initial wave of optimism, it has become apparent that the earlier expectations have not been borne out. The author analyzes why this has been the case, and argues that although a wide amalgam of social movements did oppose the military regime and did work toward democratization, their enormous heterogeneity made unity difficult to attain, except for very short times and for very specific conditions. Despite egregious poverty and inequalities, the popular classes have had difficulty creating a political identity based on common interests. Moreover, the state has intentionally pursued a policy of dividing social movements, and political parties have generally reinforced the fragmentation and isolation of grass-roots movements. While underscoring these limits in grass-roots movements, the author also argues that they have helped the popular classes conquer a sense of common identity and citizenship, and that they have helped put popular issues on the political agenda to a greater extent than in previous years.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

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