scholarly journals Between institutional reform and building popular movements: The political articulation of agroecology in Brazil

2022 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 140-148
Author(s):  
L. Van den Berg ◽  
J.H. Behagel ◽  
G. Verschoor ◽  
P. Petersen ◽  
M. Gomes da Silva
Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler

This chapter analyzes to what extent variation in political institutions affects political support. The chapter observes that the existing research is not always clear on which institutions should produce what kind of effect, although a general expectation is that institutional arrangements improve political support when they give citizens an increased sense of connection to the political process. In general then, we should expect institutions that strengthen the quality of representation to strengthen political support. This general expectation is specified in six hypotheses that are tested using data from the ESS 2012. The chapter demonstrates that electoral systems that provide voters with more choice about candidates, multiparty governments, and “responsive” legislatures, correlate positively with political support. However, compared to other macro-level factors and individual characteristics, the effects of political institutions on political support are modest. The chapter concludes that the prospects for institutional reform to strengthen political support are limited.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-180
Author(s):  
Roslina Abdul Latif ◽  
◽  
Sojoud Elgarrai ◽  

The following study of selected works of art by Zulkiflee Anwar Haque or better known as Zunar, a Malaysian political cartoonist from his book ‘Twit Twit Cincin’. This study is guided by the visual rhetoric theory that has three areas of study - nature, function and evaluation. The study looks at selected cartoons that addressed political figures, politics and social issues. The research looked at the way the caricatures portrayed Malaysian politicians, his perspectives on the political and social issues and how these issues were addressed. The researcher also looked at metaphors used by the cartoonist to communicate his ideas to the audiences. The study found that Zunar’s portrait of Malaysian politicians is not always positive. He is critical but not in an inflammatory way. The metaphors found in Zunar’s work are found to be common themes and simple to understand. They are also very well-known, visually appealing and a tool to tie his messages together and to get his ideas across. Zunar has managed to resist the oppression of the state through his cartoons while looking at institutional reform, puts forth an alternative articulation of history and nation that juxtapose the current government. Keywords: Zunar, political cartoonist, political and social issues, Twit Twit Cincin, metaphors.


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter A. Hall ◽  
Daniel W. Gingerich

This article provides a statistical analysis of core contentions of the ‘varieties of capitalism’ perspective on comparative capitalism. The authors construct indices to assess whether patterns of co-ordination in the OECD economies conform to the predictions of the theory and compare the correspondence of institutions across subspheres of the political economy. They test whether institutional complementarities occur across these subspheres by estimating the impact of complementarities in labour relations and corporate governance on growth rates. To assess the durability of varieties of capitalism, they report on the extent of institutional change in the 1980s and 1990s. Powerful interaction effects across institutions in the subspheres of the political economy must be considered if assessments of the economic impact of institutional reform in any one sphere are to be accurate.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Hicken ◽  
Joel Sawat Selway

In 2007, those behind the 2006 coup drafted a new constitution specifically aimed at turning back the political and policymaking clock to the pre-1997 era. However, in the preceding decade a significant transformation of Thai politics had taken place. Specifically, social cleavages had become politicized and particized in ways we have not seen before, and policy-focused, popular party programs had become part and parcel of serious party campaign strategies. Focusing on health policy, we thus argue in this article that institutional reforms have had predictable and observable implications for policymaking in Thailand, but only when considered in the context of changes to the broader social structure and other political conditions. While the 1997 reforms brought about a well-documented shift toward a more centralized, coordinated, and nationally focused policymaking environment, the 2007 reforms have been less successful at reversing that impact. In short, the coup makers are finding it harder than they supposed to force the genie back into the bottle.


Author(s):  
Julian E. Zelizer

This chapter examines the origins of congressional reform in the 1970s and how the struggle over institutional reform during the period presents historians an excellent opportunity to reconceptualize the way in which we study Congress. It considers three forces outside Congress in the 1960s that established a strong foundation for congressional reform in the 1970s: the Supreme Court and voters, the news media and its coverage of congressional scandals, and the political discourse about institutional reform. It shows that electoral reform, changing media coverage on congressional scandal, and the discourse about institutional reform converged to establish a strong foundation for reform in the next decade by focusing new attention on how Congress operated, who ran Congress, and how Congress fit within the larger needs of the nation's political system.


Author(s):  
Michael Johnston

Institutional checks on corruption are central to virtually every reform strategy, but they do not come in any standard form, and are unlikely to succeed in isolation. Some are aimed primarily at bureaucratic corruption, some more at political corruption, and some of the most important operate in both realms. Anticorruption agencies (ACAs) have been established—sometimes repeatedly—in around a hundred societies but have an indifferent track record. They are most likely to succeed when supported by a range of other strong governing institutions. Transparency is also a common institutional reform, and it too has consequences that are varying and contingent on local and cross-border influences. Conflict of interest legislation, and whistleblower protections, are also important issues in numerous societies. Specific institutional controls, in the end, require sound supportive institutions of several sorts; even then, the political, economic, and social challenges of corruption control remain formidable.


Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-78
Author(s):  
Anja Detant

The institutional reform of the Belgian state seems to run parallel with a redefinition of the whole of Belgian society. 'Subnationalism' has overtaken the traditional ethno-linguistic definitions which used to provide a basis for political identification and mobilisation. The territorial demarcation of the regions and the politicisation of cultural life on both sides of the linguistic border constitute basic ingredientsfor 'nationbuilding'projects in Flanders and Wallonia. A number of elements are distinguished to explain why the 'nationalism' of the regions will have repercussions on the political developments in the capital area.  Language and territoriality have always played a special role in Brussels. Changes in connection with definitions of territoriality and identity now seem to create opportunities to redefine the relationship between the communities in Brussels. It is not inconceivable that, in the long run, the linguistic divide wilt fade out and wilt be replaced by an identification on the basis of a territorial criterion shared by all the Brussels' inhabitants.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Patrice McSherry

The musical movement known as Chilean New Song became a key mobilizing force in politics in the 1960s and early 1970s in Chile, inspiring, uniting, and motivating people in a common cause and articulating the dreams and hopes of masses of people for progressive social change. Similarly, the New Song movement in exile, after the 1973 coup, helped to generate and sustain the support and solidarity of Chilean exiles and foreign nationals around the world, speaking about the repression in Chile, communicating the ideals of the popular movements, and inspiring and strengthening solidarity movements in many countries. El movimiento musical conocido como la Nueva Canción Chilena fue una fuerza movilizadora clave en las luchas políticas de los años 60 y principios de los 70 en Chile. Sirvió como fuente de inspiración para unir a la gente en una causa común y para articular los sueños y las esperanzas de un cambio social progresista de las masas del pueblo. De igual manera, en el exilio, después del golpe de 1973, el movimiento ayudó a generar y sostener el apoyo y la solidaridad de los exiliados chilenos y de los extranjeros alrededor del mundo, ofreciendo testimonio sobre la represión en Chile, dándole voz a los ideales de los movimientos populares y fortaleciendo los movimientos de solidaridad en muchos países.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
LAURA NUZZI O'SHAUGHNESSY ◽  
MICHAEL DODSON

This article examines the relationship between pact-making and democratic transitions in Nicaragua (1988–1997) and El Salvador (1990–1997). We argue that the process of elite bargaining about regime change affects the prospects for the consolidation of democracy. We emphasise three factors: (1) the choices key actors make as they bargain about bargaining, (2) their willingness to ‘under-utilise’ their power and (3) the influence of historical and structural contingencies upon the key choices made. Essential to our discussion of historical and structural contingencies is the interrelation of domestic and international actors and the importance of demilitarisation and institutional reform. We argue that these three factors favoured El Salvador more than Nicaragua, although neither nation has overcome the political polarisation characteristic of transitional regimes.


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