The Political Impact of Chilean New Song in Exile

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 13-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Patrice McSherry

The musical movement known as Chilean New Song became a key mobilizing force in politics in the 1960s and early 1970s in Chile, inspiring, uniting, and motivating people in a common cause and articulating the dreams and hopes of masses of people for progressive social change. Similarly, the New Song movement in exile, after the 1973 coup, helped to generate and sustain the support and solidarity of Chilean exiles and foreign nationals around the world, speaking about the repression in Chile, communicating the ideals of the popular movements, and inspiring and strengthening solidarity movements in many countries. El movimiento musical conocido como la Nueva Canción Chilena fue una fuerza movilizadora clave en las luchas políticas de los años 60 y principios de los 70 en Chile. Sirvió como fuente de inspiración para unir a la gente en una causa común y para articular los sueños y las esperanzas de un cambio social progresista de las masas del pueblo. De igual manera, en el exilio, después del golpe de 1973, el movimiento ayudó a generar y sostener el apoyo y la solidaridad de los exiliados chilenos y de los extranjeros alrededor del mundo, ofreciendo testimonio sobre la represión en Chile, dándole voz a los ideales de los movimientos populares y fortaleciendo los movimientos de solidaridad en muchos países.

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
CAIO DE SOUZA GOMES

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o álbum Trópicos, lançado pelo compositor e intérprete uruguaio Daniel Viglietti em 1973, importante marco do estabelecimento de conexões transnacionais que aproximaram as experiências de canção engajada que vinham se desenvolvendo na América Latina. A partir deste álbum, a proposta é discutir como os discos, ao funcionaremcomo espaço de divulgação de propostas polá­ticas, de construção de discursos identitários e de articulação de conexões transnacionais, podem ser pensados como fonte relevante para refletir sobre o debate polá­tico e cultural das décadas de 1960 e 1970.Palavras-chave: Nueva canción latino-americana. Canção engajada. Conexões transnacionais.POBRE DEL CANTOR QUE NO SE IMPONGA CON SU CANCIÓN: transnational connections in the album ”˜Trópicos”™, by Daniel Viglietti (1973)Abstract: This article aims to analyze the album Trópicos, released by the Uruguayan composer and performer Daniel Viglietti in 1973, important milestone of the transnational connections that approximated the experience of the engaged song which had been developing in the Latin America. From this Album, the aim sets into analyzing how the records,as long as they worked as a space of disclosure of political purposes, of construction of identity discourses and articulation of transnational connections, could be focused as relevant source to reflect about the political and cultural discussion of the 1960s and 1970s.Keywords: Nueva-canción latino-americana. Protest song. Transnational connections.  POBRE DEL CANTOR QUE NO SE IMPONGA CON SU CANCIÓN: conexiones transnacionales en el álbum Trópicos, de Daniel Viglietti (1973)Resumen: El objetivo de este artá­culo es analizar el álbum Trópicos, lanzado por el cantautor uruguayo Daniel Viglietti en 1973, hito importante del establecimiento de conexiones transnacionales que acercaron las experiencias de canción comprometida que se desarrollaron en América Latina. Por medio de este álbum, la propuesta es discutir como los discos, al funcionar como espacios de divulgación de propuestas polá­ticas, de construcción de discursos de identidad y de articulación de conexiones transnacionales, pueden ser considerados fuentes importantes para la reflexión sobre el debate polá­tico y cultural de los años 1960 y 1970.Palabras-clave: Nueva canción latinoamericana. Canción comprometida. Conexiones transnacionales.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (136) ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
Aviva Chomsky

Abstract This essay examines the meanings of gender in the music of Cuba’s Nueva Trova, an important expression of what came to be known as the Nueva Canción (New Song) that flourished throughout Latin America between the 1960s and the 1980s. The continent-wide movement sought to challenge the commercialization of the airwaves by raising profound, revolutionary, and deeply Latin American themes while revaluing traditional instruments and styles. Music played an important role in articulating a rejection of capitalist and colonial values, a turn to popular and indigenous roots, a commitment to continent-wide revolution, and a vision of a better world. Through festivals, gatherings, and conferences, mass concerts and radio, international travel, and, under dictatorship, clandestinely circulated cassette tapes, the Nueva Canción exemplified a generation’s search for multiple meanings of liberation. In participating in radical critiques of Latin America’s social order, the Nueva Canción rewrote gender norms embedded in society and its music. Revolutionary singer-songwriters explored the meanings of human emancipation in ways that challenged traditional gender roles and ideologies. Political, personal, and love songs upended gender stereotypes to offer new, revolutionary meanings to romantic love. Songwriters linked the Cuban Revolution to other Latin American revolutionary processes and imagined how the new society would liberate the human spirit and human potential. Socially committed art reflected, explored, and contributed to imagining the new world, and reimagining gender played a role in the process and in its music.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 512-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES COTTON

South Korea cannot be seen as an example of the bureaucratic-authoritarian state type. Neither its position in the world system nor its industrialization strategy can be used to give a sufficient explanation of its political and social character. Although these factors have played a part, particular historical, political, and cultural circumstances have permitted the state to enjoy a degree of autonomy during the period of rapid social and economic transformation from the 1960s to the 1980s. The determinants and character of the transition to democratization generally support this analysis, but also indicate that limits exist to the degree of liberalization to be expected in the political system.


1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-178
Author(s):  
A. V. Zodgekar

SummaryThis investigation traces the evolution of non-Maori fertility in New Zealand from 1860 to the mid-1970s. The fertility transition took place in four distinct stages, and socio-demographic factors of differing importance in fertility are suggested. During the period 1860–80, an initial decline in fertility was achieved by postponing the age of marriage. The second stage, of increasing control over fertility within marriage and postponement of marriage, ended gradually by the 1910s. Between the world wars and until the 1950s, fertility control within marriage became more universal. Finally, from the 1960s, fertility has declined as a result of many complex changes in social and economic spheres, the major social change with demographic implications being undoubtedly the new rolesof women.This paper also deals with the changing pattern of fertility by using both the period and cohort rates of fertility.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 293-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Thigpen

Cytomegalovirus (CMV) was first identified in the 1950s and noted to cause newborn disease in the 1960s. It is now known to be the most common cause of congenital infection in the world, leading to various central nervous system sequelae, the most common being hearing loss. Cytomegalovirus is a ubiquitous pathogen that affects nearly 30,000 infants annually in the United States, leading to 3,000–4,000 cases of hearing loss. Prevention through vaccination has proved unreliable, as has the use of immune globulin. Prevention through education has been shown to be the most effective method of minimizing infection. Antiviral therapy is effective at reducing the impact of infection on newborns. Continued global efforts will hopefully provide more solutions for this opportunistic infection.


Author(s):  
Tadeusz Miczka

"WE LIVE IN THE WORLD LACKING IDEA ON ITSELF: KRZYSZTOF KIEŚLOWSKI's ART OF FILM" OUR "little stabilization" -- this ironic phrase by Tadeusz Różewicz, the poet and playwright, rightly characterized the low living standards of Poles and the state of apathy of the society in the 1960s. It also reflected well the situation of the Polish culture which, at that time, was put under strong political pressure and, except for very few instances, half- truths and newspeak replaced the clear dichotomy of truth and falsity. However, it finds its strongest expression if seen against the background of the Polish cinema of that time, since the cinema was, so to say, the "light in the eyes" of the Workers' Party activists devoutly building the 'real socialism' state. After the period of the political thaw which, among other things, brought to life artistically courageous works of the 'Polish film school', the...


1969 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
J. Ryan Davis

East Asian regionalism is a dynamic process changing the political and economic environment of an increasingly important area of the world. The region has experienced a variety of cooperation mechanisms, including post-war American-led regionalism, the closed regionalism of the 1960s and 1970s, and the new regionalism of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet it was the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis that forced East Asia to embark on a deliberate and concerted effort to construct a regional architecture. Recent successes demonstrate the determination with which this task has been undertaken. The process has also attracted a considerable amount of attention. Despite some overly critical opinions, East Asian regionalism today should be recognized as a decidedly unique process with great deal of promise for the future.


2020 ◽  
pp. 75-89
Author(s):  
Tom Scott-Smith

This chapter explains the golden age of humanitarian nutrition as undertaken by the League of Nations. It was golden not so much in results as in its ambition and scope, bringing nutrition to the center of international policy. The aspirations of this golden age of social nutrition became extensive, and its findings rose up the international agenda. A chain of positive reactions, its adherents claimed, would follow from better nutrition for all: improvements in health, which would lead to greater productivity, which would generate higher wages and stimulate demand for goods. This, in turn, would lead to economic growth and more trade across the globe. It was a vision that appealed to politicians from all parts of the political spectrum, who promoted new work on the management of malnutrition as well as examining the possibilities of social change. By the late 1930s, nutrients stood at the center of a vast network, with expanding connections around the world, but the imperatives of the coming war soon restricted these visions.


2002 ◽  
Vol 170 ◽  
pp. 477-502
Author(s):  
Christopher R. Hughes

Any source that provides insights into the view of the world from the Ministry of Information Industries (MII) is particularly valuable at a time when debate is raging over the political impact of the Internet in the PRC. This is even more so as China joins the WTO, after which domestic Internet firms will have to gain approval from the MII before they can receive foreign capital, co-operate with foreign businesses or list domestic or overseas stocks.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-17
Author(s):  
Andreas Heuser

In Pentecostal political theology in Africa, there has been a movement from Pentecostal disjunction from state and society towards conjunction on governance levels. This eventually led to disillusionment with Pentecostal policymaking, both within African Pentecostal milieus and public discourses. The entrance of Pentecostal actors onto the political stage in African countries dates back to the transformative years from 1989 to 1993, in which democratic movements all over the continent were challenging autocratic presidential regimes. This era has been termed in political science the “second democratization” after the immediate postcolonial era of nation building in the 1960s. Almost invisible before, Pentecostal political impact was growing enormously and transformed into varied efforts to ‘pentecostalize’ governance since the turn of the millennium. In view of selected West African political cultures and Kenya discussed in this special issue of Nova Religio, a dialectics in Pentecostal visions of politics becomes obvious: The diversity of political strategies testifies to African Pentecostal potency in public discourses, but once entangled in actual policymaking, Pentecostal praxis discredits self-images of superiority in politics.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document