scholarly journals “Advise and Rule” or “Rule by Advising”: The Changing Nature of the Advisory Jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (8) ◽  
pp. 1570-1585
Author(s):  
Fisnik Korenica

AbstractConstitutional courts play an essential role in authoritatively interpreting constitutions. Oftentimes they go beyond the constitutional text by inventing so-called judge-made law. Their authority to interpret the text covers not only substantive parts but also the clause authorizing their jurisdiction. Such power, namely the power to interpret the limits of their jurisdiction, is often used to intervene in the interpretation of the constitution more vigorously than explicitly authorized. One example is the invention, designation, and development of the advisory jurisdiction by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo. On that basis, the Court has, for almost ten years of its existence, pronounced on numerous fundamental issues relating to the governing system, power maps, and entitlements on political authority. The Court developed its advisory jurisdiction in a rather unpredictable and impulsive fashion; however, it steadily revealed its willingness to engage with interpretations that sought to resolve high-stakes issues. Such braveness also had a credibility cost for the Court. The year 2018 marked a major shift in the Court’s interpretation of its own jurisdiction to “advise.” In the Central Election Commission case, it abandoned its previous precedent and commenced a passive, restrained attitude in engaging with the constitutional interpretation on the basis of case or controversy. This Article analyzes the Court’s path and change of course in this cycle.

2021 ◽  
pp. 3-30
Author(s):  
Alejandro Linares-Cantillo

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the twenty essays compiled for the XIII conference of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Colombia, which was held in Bogota in January of 2019. The collection is divided into three thematic parts which illustrate five subjects at the spotlight of comparative constitutional law, in light of the growing circulation and intensification of the idea of constitutionalism. The first part examines the evolving and leading role of constitutional courts in constitutional democracies. The second part allows constitutional experiences speak for themselves and discusses tensions and debates in three topics: (A) the growing trend to judicially enforce 'constitutional unamendability' under the doctrine of 'unconstitutional constitutional amendments'; (B) the idea of 'transformative constitutionalism' in the area of social rights enforcement; and (C) the models of transitional justice and their implementation in the Colombian case. Finally, the third part analyses vertical and horizontal movements of constitutional law doctrines and decisions.


ICL Journal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qerim Qerimi ◽  
Vigan Qorrolli

AbstractIn a period of less than a year, two decisions of the newly established Constitu­tional Court of the Republic of Kosovo resulted in the resignation of two Presidents of the new State. Ruling on the unconstitutionality of the act of simultaneously holding the position of the head of State and that of his political party, in one case; and ruling on the unconstitutionality of his election due to procedural irregularities in the other, the Court prompted fundamental changes to the political landscape of Kosovo that in the first case led to new and extraordinary elections, whereas in the second to a political arrangement that would ultimately lead to constitutional reforms. Following the Court’s decisions, both Presidents (Sejdiu and Pacolli) resigned from their posts.This article offers a textual analysis of the merits and controversies surrounding both decisions, which will be situated in the broader context of the seemingly powerful role of Constitutional Courts in certain societies in transition. The overall analysis demonstrates the weaknesses inherent to the initial stages of State formation, and to the foundational con­stitutional instrument, indicating the importance of the Constitution’s clarity for political stability. In an environment characterized by a dominant perception of a politicized judiciary, the Court’s decisions testify to the judicial activism of the Constitutional Court and, in terms of the substance and consequences of its key decisions, also to judicial supremacy. The Court’s decisions have also had some significance for testing the country’s political culture, a test that has been met in both cases eventually with compliance by those most affected.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6(161) ◽  
pp. 217-222
Author(s):  
Marcin Rulka

The parliamentary elections in Croatia were ordered for 5 July 2020. However, as the election date approached, the number of coronavirus infections increased, prompting the authority responsible for overseeing the conduct of the elections, i.e., the State Election Commission of the Republic of Croatia, to issue appropriate voting guidelines. People in self-isolation had the opportunity to vote only if the registration activities were completed by 2 July 2020, as this guaranteed a visit from a member of the election commission to whom they could pass the vote, but completely excluded infected persons from the vote. On 1 July 2020, one of the Croatian non-governmental organizations, the GONG, submitted a request to the Constitutional Court (supported by the signatures of several dozen citizens) to examine the legality of the elections, arguing that the state authorities are obliged to give each voter the possibility to vote in the elections. The Constitutional Court stated that the state authorities are obliged to create the legal possibility of exercising the right to vote guaranteed by the constitution for all citizens who express such wish, including those who have been diagnosed with SARS-CoV-2 (COVID 19) or any other infectious disease, and who, for this reason, remain in isolation.


Author(s):  
A. B. Adelseitova ◽  
A. A. Marieva

The article discusses the feasibility of establishing the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Crimea, analyzes the functioning of the judicial system in the Republic of Crimea, and concludes that it is necessary to create a body of constitutional control at the local level, which would be able to resolve current problems in a timely manner. The legislation regulating the creation and functioning of constitutional (statutory) courts in the subjects of the Russian Federation is analyzed, the activities of the constitutional (statutory) courts functioning today in the subjects of the Russian Federation are considered, the positive and negative sides are identified. The corresponding changes in the legislation necessary for the effective functioning of the system of constitutional courts in the subjects of the Russian Federation and in the Republic of Crimea are proposed.


Author(s):  
Ineta Ziemele ◽  
Alla Spale ◽  
Laila Jurcēna

This chapter examines constitutional review in Latvia. When the Latvian Constitution—the Satversme—was adopted in 1922, the European model of constitutional courts existed, but the idea of establishing a constitutional court in Latvia was not discussed. The chapter traces the development of Latvian constitutional justice following the establishment of the Satversme, before providing a brief overview of both the institution of constitutional review as well as the constitutional court in Latvia. The Latvian Constitutional Court has played an important role in developing the legal order in accordance with the principles of rule of law and democracy and in educating the society in these values. Lastly, the chapter discusses the case law of the Constitutional Court as part of a wider European legal discourse.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bagus Anwar Hidayatulloh

Abstrak Implikasi putusan mahkamah konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan paspor dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden dalam kerangka menjamin hak memilih dalam pemilihan umum. Terkait dengan ini maka memunculkan permasalahan terkait implikasinya. Bagaimana implikasi baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan Paspor dalam pemilihan umum. Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai lembaga pelaksana kekuasaan kehakiman yang salah satu kewenangannya adalah menguji Undang-Undang terhadap UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 dalam rangka mewujudkan negara demokrasi yang berdasarkan hukum sebagaimana termaktub dalam Pasal 1 UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Hasilnya adalah implikasi langsung yang terdiri dari penerapan KTP dan Paspor sebagai ganti DPT, Memunculkan putusan yang bersifat self executing, mengesampingkan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang, mengesampingkan keputusan dan peraturan KPU terkait aturan baru akibat putusan MK dan Implikasi tidak langsung yang terdiri dari Mengurangi terjadinya perselisihan hasil Pemilihan Umum Presiden, KPU bekerja ekstra. Tujuan ke depan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan memberikan sumbangsih dalam dunia akademik terutama terkait tentang penjaminan hak asasi manusia terutama hak memilih dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kajian peraturan perundang-undangan yang sesuai dengan metode ilmu hukum. Kata Kunci: Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, Pemilu, Kartu Tanda Penduduk Abstract The implications of the constitutional court's decision regarding the use of resident identity cards and passports in the election of president and vice president in the framework of guaranteeing the right to vote in general elections. Related to this, problems arise regarding their implications. What are the implications of either directly or indirectly the decision of the Constitutional Court regarding the use of Identity Cards and Passports in general elections. The Constitutional Court as the executing agency of judicial power whose authority is to examine the Law against the State Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945 in order to realize a democratic state based on law as stipulated in Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945. The result is implications directly consisting of the application of Identity Cards and Passports in lieu of the Permanent Voters List, Raising decisions that are self-executing, overriding Government Regulations Substituting the Law, overriding the decisions and regulations of the General Election Commission regarding new rules due to the Constitutional Court ruling and indirect implications consisting of Reducing the disputes over the results of the Presidential General Election, the Election Commission works extra. The future goal of this research is to know and contribute in the academic world, especially related to guaranteeing human rights, especially the right to vote in the presidential and vice presidential elections. This study uses the method of reviewing legislation in accordance with the method of law. Keywords: Decision of the Constitutional Court, Election, Identity Card


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-37
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kustra-Rogatka

Summary The paper deals with the changes in the centralized (Kelsenian) model of constitutional review resulting from a state’s membership of the EU, which unequivocally demonstrates the decomposition of the classic paradigm of constitutional judiciary. The main point raised in the paper is that European integration has fundamentally influenced on the four above-mentioned basic elements of the Kelsenian model of constitutional review of legislation, which are the following: the assumption of the hierarchical construction of a legal system; the assumption of the supreme legal force of the constitution as the primary normative act of a given system; a centralised model of reviewing hierarchical conformity of legal norms; coherence of the system guaranteed by a constitutional court’s power to declare defectiveness of a norm and the latter’s derogation. All its fundamental elements have evolved, i.e. the hierarchy of the legal system, the overriding power of the constitution, centralized control of constitutionality, and the erga omnes effect of the ruling on the hierarchical non-conformity of the norms. It should be noted that over the last decade the dynamics of these changes have definitely gained momentum. This has been influenced by several factors, including the “great accession” of 2004, the pursuit of formal constitutionalization of the EU through the Constitutional Treaty, the compromise solutions adopted in the Treaty of Lisbon, the entry into force of the Charter, and the prospect of EU accession to the ECHR. The CJEU has used these factors to deepen the tendencies towards decentralization of constitutional control, by atomising national judicial systems and relativizing the effects of constitutional court rulings within national legal systems. The end result is the observed phenomenon, if not of marginalisation, then at least of a systemic shift in the position of constitutional courts, which have lost their uniqueness and have become “only ones of many” national courts.


2017 ◽  
pp. 67-86
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Krajewski

The Constitutional Tribunal is defined as the Polish constitutional court and at the same time the judicial authority. It was created at the turn of 1982. Not long after that it began its jurisprudence; more precisely it was in 1986. Describing its basic tasks, it is pointed out that judicial review of so-called constitutional law deserves a closer look. This is particularly true about controlling the compliance of lower legal norms with higher legal norms. Here attention is drawn towards the connection of the Constitution with some international agreements, ie. the court of law. The purpose of the paper below was to analyze the constitutional principles of criminal proceedings in the context of the case law of the Polish Constitutional Court. At the beginning the concept, the division and the role of the constitutional rules of criminal procedure were presented. In this section, it was emphasized that all the rules of the criminal process are considered superior norms of a very significant social importance. Then the principle of objectivity, which is reflected in the Constitution of the Republic, was described. A following aspect was the discussion of the principle of the presumption of innocence and the principle of in dubio pro reo. It has been emphasized that the essence of the principle is that the person who was brought before the court is treated as innocent until a lawful judgment is pronounced against the defendant. The author also pointed out the principle of the right to defense. According to this rule, the defendant has the right to defend themselves in the process and to use the help of a defender. Another described principle is so-called rule of publicity. It concerns the fact that information about criminal proceedings should be accessible to the public. Then it was pointed to the principle of the right to the trial and the independence of the judiciary. The first one is reflected in national law and acts of international rank. The second shows that the independence of the judiciary is determined by the proper exercise of the profession of judge and becomes a guarantee of freedom and civil rights. The humanitarian principle and the principle of participation of the social factor in the penal process are shown in the final section. At the end of the paper a summary and conclusions were presented.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Andraž Teršek

Abstract The central objective of the post-socialist European countries which are also Member States of the EU and Council of Europe, as proclaimed and enshrined in their constitutions before their official independence, is the establishment of a democracy based on the rule of law and effective legal protection of fundamental human rights and freedoms. In this article the author explains what, in his opinion, is the main problem and why these goals are still not sufficiently achieved: the ruthless simplification of the understanding of the social function and functioning of constitutional courts, which is narrow, rigid and holistically focused primarily or exclusively on the question of whether the judges of these courts are “left or right” in purely daily-political sense, and consequently, whether constitutional court decisions are taken (described, understood) as either “left or right” in purely and shallow daily-party-political sense/manner. With nothing else between and no other foundation. The author describes such rhetoric, this kind of superficial labeling/marking, such an approach towards constitutional law-making as a matter of unbearable and unthinking simplicity, and introduces the term A Populist Monster. The reasons that have led to the problem of this kind of populism and its devastating effects on the quality and development of constitutional democracy and the rule of law are analyzed clearly and critically.


2021 ◽  
pp. 56-65
Author(s):  
Iulian Rusanovschi ◽  

On 17.03.2020, the Parliament declared a state of emergency on the entire territory of the Republic of Moldova for the period March 17 - May 15, 2020. By the same Decision, the Parliament delegated the Commission for Exceptional Situations with the right to implement a series of measures to overcome the epidemiological situation in the country. However, in the conditions of a functioning Parliament and despite the clear and exhaustive texts of the Constitution, the Commission for Exceptional Situations amended during the state of emergency the Contravention Code, which is an organic law. The amendments specifically concerned the procedure and terms for examining infringement cases brought in connection with non-compliance with the measures adopted by the Commission for Exceptional Situations and the Extraordinary Commission for Public Health. In the conditions in which an organic law can be modified only by the Parliament, it is obvious the unconstitutionality, at least partial, of the Disposition no. 4 of 24.03.2020 of the Commission for Exceptional Situations, but unfortunately, the Constitutional Court is not mandated with the right to submit to constitutional review the normative acts adopted by the Commission for Exceptional Situations. Under these conditions, the state is obliged to identify solutions in order not to allow an authority to adopt unconstitutional normative acts that cannot be subject to constitutional review.


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