scholarly journals Primaries and Candidates: Examining the Influence of Primary Electorates on Candidate Ideology

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsay Nielson ◽  
Neil Visalvanich

Primary elections in the United States have been under-studied in the political science literature. Using new data to estimate the ideal points of primary election candidates and constituents, we examine the link between the ideological leanings of primary electorates and the ideological orientation of US congressional candidates. We use district-level data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study and ideal point estimates for congressional primary election candidates to examine the role of primary electorate ideology in the selection of party nominees. We find that more extreme Republicans are more likely to win their party’s primary and that Republican and Democratic candidates are responsive to different electoral constituencies.

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 679-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tehama Lopez Bunyasi

Donald Trump initiated his run for president by framing the United States as a nation in descent. Adopting the slogan “Make America Great Again,” he set his campaign against a backdrop of loss and declared a mission for reclamation. Numerous analysts claim that his candidacy and rhetoric galvanized white voters who feel left behind by changing times, but few have been able to provide direct evidence of a racialized sense of disadvantage, and most polls were not prepared to ask such specific questions prior to the Iowa Caucus. Using data from the National Study of Color-Blindness and Race-Consciousness—a unique nationally-sampled dataset fielded two weeks before the beginning of the 2016 primary election season—I demonstrate that Trump was not only the most popular candidate among white voters, but that he was especially supported by whites who think that their racial group fares worse in the job market than do black Americans, who feel that being white has been personally detrimental to their job prospects; who believe that there are generally more disadvantages to being white than there are advantages; and who disagree with the notion that systematic racism mainly benefits whites. My analysis argues that how whites think about whiteness mattered for their likelihood to support Donald Trump.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 811-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy B. Flemming ◽  
Glen S. Krutz

The expanding public policy role of high courts heightens concerns over whether societal and political inequalities affect the outcomes of litigation. However, comparative research on this question is limited. This article assesses whether status inequalities between parties and differences in the experience and resources of attorneys influence the selection of cases for judicial review in the Supreme Court of Canada. A series of statistical models reveal that governments are more likely than other parties to influence whether leave is granted but that the experience and resources of lawyers, unlike in the United States, have little impact. The decentralized, low volume and high access features of the Canadian process may explain this finding.


Author(s):  
Lijo John ◽  
Anand Gurumurthy ◽  
Arqum Mateen ◽  
Gopalakrishnan Narayanamurthy

Abstract The uncertainty associated with the location, severity and timing of disaster makes it difficult for the humanitarian organization (HO) to predict demand for the aid material and thereby making the relief material procurement even more challenging. This research explores whether options contract can be used as a mechanism to aid the HO in making procurement of relief material less challenging by addressing two main issues: inventory risk for buyers and over-production risk for suppliers. Furthermore, a contracting mechanism is designed to achieve coordination between the HO and aid material suppliers in the humanitarian supply chain through optimal pricing. The options contract is modelled as a stylized version of the newsvendor problem that allows the HO to adjust their order quantity after placing the initial order at the beginning of the planning horizon. This flexibility helps to mitigate the risk of both overstocking and understocking for the HO as well as the risk of overproduction for the supplier. Our results indicate that the optimal values for decision parameters are not “point estimates” but a range of prices, which can facilitate negotiation between the two parties for appropriate selection of contract parameters under an options contract. The results imply that options contract can aid in the decentralized approach of fixing the prices between the HO and the supplier, which in turn would help in achieving systemic coordination.


2019 ◽  
pp. 58-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Urnov

As a self-proclaimed “Global Leader” the United States have made “the assertion, advancement, support and defense of democracy” throughout the world one of the pillars of their foreign policy. This aim invariably figures in all Washington’s program documents pertaining to Africa. A major component of these efforts is an assistance to regular, free and fair elections. The selection of arguments cited to justify such activities has been done skilfully. In each specific case it is emphasized that the United States do not side with any competing party, stand “above the battle”, work for the perfection of electoral process, defend the rights of opposition and rank and file votes, render material and technical help to national electoral committees. Sounds irreproachable. However, the real situation is different. The study of the US practical activities in this field allows to conclude that Washington has one-sidedly awarded itself a role of a judge and supervisor of developments related to elections in the sovereign countries of Africa, tries to control the ways they are prepared and conducted. These activities signify an interference into the internal affairs of African states. The scale and forms of such interference differ and is subjected to tasks the USA try to resolve in this or that country on the national, regional or global levels. However, everywhere it serves as an instrument of penetration and strengthening of the US influence, enhancing the US political presence in African countries. The right of the US to perform this role is presented as indisputable. Sceptics are branded as opponents of democracy. The author explores the US positions and activities connected with elections in Africa during the last years of B.Obama and first two years of D.Trump presidencies. He shows how their policy have been implemented on the continental level and in regard to several countries – South Sudan, Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Somali, Kenya, Uganda.


Res Publica ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-196
Author(s):  
Peter Janssens

Given the two important functions of the media, offering a world image and setting the public agenda, the main question in this article is : "What is the image of society offered by the media ?" For that purpose three years of the radio programme "BRT-Aktueel" are analyzed on the basis of a printed index. A distinction is made between home news, news on states, news on groups of countries and international organizations. The main conclusions are :1. Most of the coverage concerns foreign issues ;2. Within each category there is a clear influence of temporary events. This influence seems more important for foreign topics ;3. The news coverage is strongly concentrated on a relatively small number of issues. This conclusion applies on all categories ;4. Social and domestic policy dominate the home news ;5. The coverage of international issues deals mostly with Europe, then with the USSR, and the United States. Other countries are part of the periphery and get attention when a major crisis occurs.The question rises which factors determinate the selection of issues. Within the limits of this research a few factors can be mentioned : geographical proximity, the structure of the media, the role of press agencies, the international status of a country, the selection by the journalist. It is quite clear that this problem of objectivity ofthe media is a major problem which is linked to the role of the media in a democratie society.


<em>Abstract.</em>—Aquaculture development in the United States continues its expansion from freshwater into coastal and nearshore oceanic environments. As it does so, the selection of species to culture and the location of culture operations are generating much debate about the role of government entities, especially agriculture and conservation agencies, in the management of this development. Many in the industry argue that regulations are already too onerous, subsidies are too few, governmental encouragement is too little, and that the best way to correct these problems is to place all control over the development in governmental agriculture agencies. Others argue that the potential environmental impacts of aquaculture could be so adverse, or at least so uncertain that conservation agencies need to impose even more controls. This debate occurred in Texas in the 1980s as private aquaculture sought to increase the culture of nonindigenous species, in both private and public waters. The potential effects on native species in public waters led to legislation that attempted to balance economic development with environmental safeguards. However, only Texas was affected by the statute and subsequent regulations. Since the potential environmental affects of aquaculture development will undoubtedly cross local, state, and tribal boundaries, it is now felt by many that the regulation of the species cultured and sites selected should be a federal issue. The same questions about who within the federal government should have responsibility for managing aquaculture development require resolution. This paper will examine lessons learned from the Texas experience for possible application in the federal arena.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 891-924
Author(s):  
Yoshio Nukaga

As biomedical research with volunteers was expanded in the United States, the rule of subject selection, constituting scientific and ethical criteria, was generated in 1981 to resolve selection bias in research. Few historical studies, however, have investigated the role of this new hybrid rule in institutional review systems. This paper describes how bioethics commissions and federal agencies have created the subject selection rule based on the concept of justice. I argue that the standardization of this rule as temporal measures, linked with risk-benefit assessment, has reformed the review mechanism, specifically investigators’ modification of research plans, thereby developing justice as balancing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-167
Author(s):  
William P. Brandon ◽  
Zachary Mohr

AbstractAdequate income is a social determinant of health. In the United States, only Social Security beneficiaries receive inflation-protected guaranteed income. Social Security needs another 1983 compromise in which stakeholders accepted “shared pain” to avoid insolvency. We propose indexing the benefit using the chained consumer price index (CPI) for all urban consumers and providing a one-time bonus of 8% to 10% for beneficiaries in their mid-80s, when needs become greater. The chained CPI has little impact when beneficiaries start receiving benefits, but older beneficiaries need protection. The estimated 75-year savings from this restructured benefit amount to 14.2% to 18% of Social Security deficits. Modest increases in payroll taxes and maximum earnings taxed should make up most of the shortfall. Including unearned income with wages and salaries subject to the 6.2% individual tax would produce much more revenue. The discussion explores the proposal’s political feasibility, grounding in current policy and political science literature, and the role of income as a social determinant of health.


1953 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-172
Author(s):  
H. W. Blenis

Forest Ranger Schools are schools which offer technical, sub-professional forestry training at the vocational level. Data included in Part I of this paper was obtained from five Canadian and four United States ranger schools, whose graduates aggregate 1870 and 1233 respectively. Information necessary to Part II was obtained from seven government agencies and fourteen private companies in Canada and from three government agencies and nine private companies in the United States.Ranger school training should be essentially practical in nature. At the same time training should he sufficiently technical to provide the trainee with sound reasons for the approaches and techniques which he uses. It should also bring the graduate to the point where he speaks the same language as the professional forester and can appreciate the professional point of view.Ranger school training should not be considered as a substitute for, or a shortcut to, professional training at the university level. Nor should ranger schools be confused with, or assume the identity of, pre-forestry schools. The objective of ranger school training is to bridge the gap between the woodsman and the professional forester; when considered in this light it appears to be a distinct and separate phase of forestry training.There appears to be a need for technically trained men between the woodsman and forester levels. Ranger schools should be able to train men who would not become foresters to fill positions which would not be filled by foresters. Various government agencies and private companies have indicated that ranger school graduates complement professional foresters instead of competing with them. Ranger schools and their graduates appear to have made a worthwhile contribution to the profession of forestry and should continue to do so in the future.


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