Informing The Selection Of Latin Bishops In The United States: The Role Of The People Of God At The Diocesan Level

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis NESSER
1978 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Donald Zalewski

Professional journals and commercial publications have helped to acquaint the people of the United States with the metric system. In their enthusiastic support, however, they have bombarded teachers with numerous lists of metric objectives for the curriculum and countless activities that might be used to achieve those objectives. A group of teachers attending a workshop on measurement and metrics decided that a set of simple directives might help teachers to make a wise selection of objectives and methods for teaching the metric system. The teachers suggested the following list of dos and don'ts.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (9) ◽  
pp. 1013
Author(s):  
Linnea B. McCord ◽  
Terry Young ◽  
Peggy J. Crawford

To be successful and remain independent, every country must create a prosperous economy, keep peace among its people, maintain political stability, and ensure the security of the people and the country from internal and external threats. Doing all four at the same time is never easy and in a time of economic volatility, change, and uncertainty juggling all four becomes more difficult. This is when countries enter the danger zone where hidden cracks and fissures in a countrys organization and structure could become destabilizing. In this paper we will compare the challenges and prospects for the United States and China as both countries enter the danger zone. The purpose of this paper is to examine how each countrys unique attributes are likely to impact its ability to succeed. We will examine their political, economic and legal systems to determine the strengths and weaknesses of each. We will also assess the role of corruption in each society. Both the United States and China have serious economic, social, political and security issues on the horizon. To solve the problems will require serious sacrifices and pain for a large portion of the populations in both countries. Which form of government will best be able to adapt quickly to the constantly changing environment? Will a serious economic slowdown topple the Communist dictatorship in China? Will gridlock and distrust in the U.S. prevent Americans from adapting fast enough to make the necessary changes in time to save its financial system and economy? Time will tell.


2019 ◽  
pp. 58-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Urnov

As a self-proclaimed “Global Leader” the United States have made “the assertion, advancement, support and defense of democracy” throughout the world one of the pillars of their foreign policy. This aim invariably figures in all Washington’s program documents pertaining to Africa. A major component of these efforts is an assistance to regular, free and fair elections. The selection of arguments cited to justify such activities has been done skilfully. In each specific case it is emphasized that the United States do not side with any competing party, stand “above the battle”, work for the perfection of electoral process, defend the rights of opposition and rank and file votes, render material and technical help to national electoral committees. Sounds irreproachable. However, the real situation is different. The study of the US practical activities in this field allows to conclude that Washington has one-sidedly awarded itself a role of a judge and supervisor of developments related to elections in the sovereign countries of Africa, tries to control the ways they are prepared and conducted. These activities signify an interference into the internal affairs of African states. The scale and forms of such interference differ and is subjected to tasks the USA try to resolve in this or that country on the national, regional or global levels. However, everywhere it serves as an instrument of penetration and strengthening of the US influence, enhancing the US political presence in African countries. The right of the US to perform this role is presented as indisputable. Sceptics are branded as opponents of democracy. The author explores the US positions and activities connected with elections in Africa during the last years of B.Obama and first two years of D.Trump presidencies. He shows how their policy have been implemented on the continental level and in regard to several countries – South Sudan, Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Somali, Kenya, Uganda.


1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 891-913
Author(s):  
Wilbur J. Carr

The consular service of the United States has been for a long time the object of a great deal of criticism, some of which unfortunately has been well founded but much has been due to imperfect acquaintance with the legitimate functions of consuls and, therefore, to lack of ability to judge accurately of their shortcomings. It is of interest to note that of recent years the criticism has been for the most part confined to our own country, while from the people of other nations our consuls have received unstinted praise for their activity and efficiency, and our system has been frequently held up abroad as a model after which to reorganize some of the older European systems the virtues of which it has been the custom of our people to extol. But while it is true that in many respects our consuls have shown themselves the equals if not the superiors of the consuls of other nations, the fact remains that our service has been uneven in point of efficiency; there has been no satisfactory organization; little care has been exercised in the selection of persons for appointment; and the salaries and equipment have been far from adequate. Repeated attempts to correct these defects have been made during a period dating almost from the beginning of the government, but, with the exception of the improvements made in 1856, all these attempts have failed largely because they lacked the support of any considerable public sentiment.


Author(s):  
Christina L. Davis

This chapter examines the role of domestic political interests in the selection of U.S. cases for World Trade Organization (WTO) adjudication. It first considers how the United States has taken a lead role in the area of trade law enforcement before discussing how legislative constraints and interest group pressure operate in U.S. trade policy. The Kodak–Fuji WTO dispute between the United States and Japan is used to illustrate an example of politicized selection of a case for adjudication. The chapter also analyzes U.S. complaints about market access barriers by leading trade partners. By identifying potential trade disputes, it shows why some cases go forward to adjudication. It also explains how the WTO disputes served an important role in the executive strategy to manage domestic pressure from Congress for a more aggressive policy against China.


World Affairs ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 181 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-21
Author(s):  
Max J. Skidmore

On June 3, 2017, a “Congress on Iceland’s Democracy” met in Berkeley—an outgrowth of a previous effort in Iceland to “crowd source” a new constitution. The citizens of Iceland had led their parliament to create a new and extraordinarily representative convention consisting of citizens more-or-less chosen randomly from all walks of life. The convention functioned completely in the open and excluded all politicians. The result, approved overwhelmingly in a 2012 national referendum, would truly have been a “constitution of the people.” Despite the approval by huge majorities, in 2013, it failed in parliament as a result of fierce lobbying by vested interests against the provision that Iceland’s natural resources would be constitutionally mandated to benefit the public, rather than continuing to be held by private owners. Regardless of its prospects for success, Icelandic efforts should be of great interest to all constitutional scholars, and to those scholars and practitioners who seek a more open and inclusive way to formulate policy, including constitutions—the fundamental law of a state. Intended to stimulate further debate, this essay pursues some initial reflections on the U.S. Constitution specifically, and of constitutions in general. It also examines the role of elites, especially in constitutional formulation, and here pays special attention to the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 182-199
Author(s):  
Erin Harbinson ◽  
Ebony Ruhland

While much research in community corrections examines ways in which direct supervision can reduce recidivism, less is known about the role of paroling authorities in using or supporting evidence-based practices. This study presents a selection of results from a survey of paroling authorities across the United States conducted in 2015. We analyze and discuss survey results on the following three topics: (1) What is the structure and power/authority of the paroling authorities? (2) What are the appointments and requirements of paroling authorities? and (3) What evidence-based practices are paroling authorities utilizing? These results demonstrate the state of evidence-based practices in parole decision-making and illustrate ways in which paroling authorities can implement policies and practices that promote sustainability of evidence-based practices in community supervision. The findings indicate that many paroling authorities have adopted policies supportive of evidence-based practices; however, there are some areas in which parole can create continuity and promote better application of them.


2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Smita C. Banerjee ◽  
Kathryn Greene ◽  
Marina Krcmar ◽  
Zhanna Bagdasarov ◽  
Dovile Ruginyte

This study demonstrates the significance of individual difference factors, particularly gender and sensation seeking, in predicting media choice (examined through hypothetical descriptions of films that participants anticipated they would view). This study used a 2 (Positive mood/negative mood) × 2 (High arousal/low arousal) within-subject design with 544 undergraduate students recruited from a large northeastern university in the United States. Results showed that happy films and high arousal films were preferred over sad films and low-arousal films, respectively. In terms of gender differences, female viewers reported a greater preference than male viewers for happy-mood films. Also, male viewers reported a greater preference for high-arousal films compared to female viewers, and female viewers reported a greater preference for low-arousal films compared to male viewers. Finally, high sensation seekers reported a preference for high-arousal films. Implications for research design and importance of exploring media characteristics are discussed.


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