scholarly journals A New Electorate? Explaining the Party Preferences of Immigrant-Origin Voters at the 2017 Bundestag Election

Author(s):  
Achim Goerres ◽  
Sabrina Jasmin Mayer ◽  
Dennis Christopher Spies

Abstract Immigrants now constitute a sizeable and rapidly growing group among many Western countries' electorates, but analyses of their party preferences remain limited. Theoretically, immigrants' party preferences might be explained with both standard electoral theories and immigrant-specific approaches. In this article, we rigorously test both perspectives against each other using the most recent data from Germany. Applying the Michigan model, with its three central explanatory variables – party identification, issue orientations and candidate evaluations – to the party preferences of immigrant-origin and native voters, we find that this standard model can explain both groups well. In contrast, we find no direct effects of the most prominent immigrant-specific variables, and neither do these meaningfully moderate the Michigan variables. However, we find strong formative effects on the presence of political attitudes and beliefs: immigrants with a longer time spent in Germany, a stronger German identity and less experience of discrimination report significantly fewer item non-responses for the Michigan model's main explanatory variables.

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Sheagley

Party identification provides citizens with an anchor from which they derive many of their political attitudes and issue preferences. But what happens when people encounter political debates that place their partisan identities and policy attitudes into conflict with one another? This article draws on an original experiment designed to study the effect of debates that cut across people’s partisan identities and policy attitudes. The results show that cross-cutting debates make people less likely to engage in selective exposure, more likely to feel ambivalent toward their political party, and less likely to rely on party cues when rendering a judgment.


1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 1520-1541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanton Peele ◽  
Stanley J. Morse

Immediately prior to the 1970 parliamentary election in the Republic of South Africa, 462 white voters in Cape Town were questioned about their demographic backgrounds, voting intentions, and political attitudes. The study showed that ethnicity is the major determinant of party vote: Afrikaners vote for the National Party, the English-speaking for the United Party. SES-related factors predict party identification only insofar as they covary with ethnicity. While a liberalization of political attitudes with rising SES can be observed, this has no bearing on electoral behavior. Party vote is not related to ideological or issue orientations, but is related to the intensity of the voter's identification with his own ethnic group and with white South Africans in general. Voters tend to react positively or negatively to the NP, with the UP serving chiefly as a vehicle for protest votes against the government. The slight drop in NP support in 1970 was due to a key group of abstainers who—while basically Nat supporters—were more liberal than those who said they would vote for the NP. It is “Ambiguous Afrikaners” (those who are changing to an “English” identity), and only some of those, who are defecting completely from their traditional political allegiance. They represent the one sign of potential change in South Africa's uniquely stable political system.


2005 ◽  
Vol 99 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN R. ALFORD ◽  
CAROLYN L. FUNK ◽  
JOHN R. HIBBING

We test the possibility that political attitudes and behaviors are the result of both environmental and genetic factors. Employing standard methodological approaches in behavioral genetics—specifically, comparisons of the differential correlations of the attitudes of monozygotic twins and dizygotic twins—we analyze data drawn from a large sample of twins in the United States, supplemented with findings from twins in Australia. The results indicate that genetics plays an important role in shaping political attitudes and ideologies but a more modest role in forming party identification; as such, they call for finer distinctions in theorizing about the sources of political attitudes. We conclude by urging political scientists to incorporate genetic influences, specifically interactions between genetic heritability and social environment, into models of political attitude formation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 57 (6) ◽  
pp. 878-906 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Welch

Previously identified predictors of public punitiveness include attitudinal, experiential, background, and demographic characteristics. Given the influence of parenthood on certain attitudes and beliefs, it may also affect how strongly individuals endorse harsh punishment for criminals. Few studies have explored how parenthood influences general policy preferences or support for criminal justice measures specifically, and findings have been mixed. The author estimated linear ordinary least squares regression equations, using national random telephone survey data, to test for direct effects of parenthood on measures of punitive attitudes toward juveniles and adults and overall. Two- and three-way interactions with gender and concern about crime were also estimated, and although the additive effects of parenthood on punitiveness were significant only for attitudes toward adult offenders, gender and concern about crime moderated its effects on punitive policy support, with fathers and parents for whom crime was less salient being more punitive. These findings suggest that research testing only linear influences may overlook more complex relationships.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (7) ◽  
pp. 875-902 ◽  
Author(s):  
Romana Careja ◽  
Patrick Emmenegger

This article examines the effects of migration experience on political attitudes in Central and Eastern European countries. The rationale for this quest is the hypothesis that contact with democratic contexts translates into democratic political attitudes, for which evidence is so far inconclusive. In this article, we are interested to see whether migrants returning from Western countries display different political attitudes than their fellow nonmigrant citizens. The analysis of survey data shows that migration experience diversifies the array of political attitudes: Although migrants are more likely to trust EU institutions and to try to convince friends in political discussions, they do not differ from nonmigrants in their attitudes toward domestic institutions. Based on earlier works on determinants of political attitudes, the authors argue that migration experience has a significant effect only when these attitudes are related to objects that are associated with improvements in the migrants’ material and cognitive status.


Author(s):  
Thomas B. Pepinsky ◽  
R. William Liddle ◽  
Saiful Mujani

This chapter develops a new way to measure piety among Indonesian Muslims. It begins by arguing that piety is a property of individuals that is unobservable, multifaceted, and apolitical, and then draws on an original survey of Indonesians to create a new index of piety that can be used to study how piety relates to other political attitudes and beliefs. The chapter shows that piety in Indonesia is unrelated to beliefs about religion and politics. It also discusses various alternative ways to conceptualize and measure piety in the Muslim world, and shows how conventional measures of piety can be misleading.


Author(s):  
Christoph Trinn ◽  
Thomas Wencker

Abstract Quantitative research into the causes of violent intrastate conflicts has recently shifted away from classical country-year-level regression analyses. When taking steps in new directions, researchers should be mindful of the extent and quality, and indeed of the limitations, of the knowledge accumulated by the scholarly endeavors in the booming period between 2000 and 2015. This article traces trends and patterns regarding the use of explanatory variables and datasets in ninety-four individual studies. It synthesizes findings with regard to 107 explanatory concepts. Drawing on the sign test, the analysis identifies a set of consensus variables likely to determine the onset and incidence of violent intrastate conflict. These factors capture robust covariations and lend themselves as elements of a “standard model specification.” Turning to causal mechanisms, the article discusses why variables that turn out to be significant in statistical analyses should have any effect. This is completed by a substantial discussion of the remaining theoretical problems and of methodological prospects that promise paths for future research.


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